JRD Tata Oration One :: PFI Publication :: KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT CENTRE PORTAL, POPULATION FOUNDATION OF INDIA

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JRD Tata Oration One

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JRD Tata Oration One

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dRD TATA

MEMORIAL ORATION

ONE

POPULATION FOUNDATION OF INDIA

'NEW DELHI

(September 19, 1995)

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PRE FAn

The Founder-Chairman of Population Foundation of India

(formerly Family Planning Foundation) is no less a person

than the late Mr. JRD Tata.

Mr. Tata has a series of lifelong

achievements and is considered as the

doyen of Indian Industry, the 'father' ~f

India's civil aviation and a pioneer of

the family planniIlg programme in

independent India. For his unique

JRD Tata

(1904 - 1993)

services to the cause of population

stabilisation,

he was awarded the

prestigious United Nations Population Award in 1992, and

the same year, he was also decorated with Bharat Ratna,

the highest civilian award.

In memory of this great son of India,

the Population Foundation of India has

instituted the 'JRD Tata Memorial

Oration' series. The first lecture in the

series was delivered

by Mr.

Ramakrishna Hegde, former Deputy

Chairman, Planning Commission. The

Ramakrishna

Hegde

Foundation is happy to present the

transcript of the Lecture delivered by

Mr. Hegde.

Dr. Bharat Ram

Mr. Hegde is one of India's senior leaders

endowed with an incisive mind. He is

. considered to be a firm believer in the

process of democratic decentraIisation

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and was instrumental to a large extent in the enactment

of the Constitution Amendment Bills that establish and

delegate powers to Panchayats and Nagarpalikas.

Mr. Ramakrishna Hegde was elected to Karnataka State

Legislative Assembly for three consecutive terms until 1971

and again in 1983, 1985 and 1989. He was the Leader of

Opposition from 1972 to 1977 in the Legislative Council.

Mr. Hegde was elected as the Leader of the Karnataka

Janata Legislature Party on 10th January 1983 and became

the first ever non-Congress Chief Minister in the State. He

became Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission,

Government of India in December, 1989. Mr. Hegde has

written a number of books on Electoral Reforms, Judiciary,

Federalism, Parliament and Political Culture in this

country.

The topic which our learned speaker, Mr. Ramakrishna

Hegde, explored was Democratic Decentralisation and

Population Stabilisation Strategies.

Dr. Bharat Ram, who made the opening remarks, is the

Founder Member, and Chairman of the Foundation. An

eminent industrialist, he is Chairman Emeritus, DCM Ltd.,

and the first Asian to have held the post of the President

of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris.

Dr. K. Srinivasan

Executive Director

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JRD TATA MEMORIAL LECTURE

Speech by Dr. Bharat Ram

We have gathered here to remember Shri JRD Tata, a

distinguished son of the country. Shri JRD Tata

was not only a great statesman and successful

businessman but his concerns encompassed social issues

like poverty, unemployment and he was an ardent advocate

of population control. It is in his honour that the Population

Foundation of India has instituted the MJRDTata Memorial

Oration" series. The lecture would be organised every year

and the first lecture in this series is being delivered by

Shri Ramakrishna Hegde today.

My friend, Shri Ramakrishna Hegde, as all of us know,

has been in public life for a very long time and has

distinguished himself as a person of great substance.

During his Chief Ministership of Karnataka, there was

great development in the State. His considered opinion on

various problems of the country is highly sought after. I

have great admiration for him and I consider him as a

person with high values in public life. I am extremely

grateful to Shri Hegde for having agreed to deliver the first

JRD Tata Memorial Lecture.

The population of the country has already crossed 925

million mark this month. I am reminded of what my dear

friend and comrade in the family planning movement, Shri

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JRD Tata once said. "While the world is rightly worried

about 1.8 billion Indians in the next century, are We?".

Unfortunately, since Independence very little attention was

paid to the importance of containing population. Some

effort is now being made but with an incremental rate of

2.2 per annum, on account of a still high birth rate of 29

per 1000 population, India is adding every year about 18

million people to its already large population. Going by

this standard, the one billion mark will be reached well

before we usher in the 21st century. It is bound to prove

to pe a great demographic challenge forcing us to think

again how we have gone about dealing with the twin issues

of population and development.

That this order of increase is continuing in spite of our

40 years' efforts at different levels to restrain population

growth through a variety of educational. social and health

interventions further underscores the seriousness of the

problem. True, there has been a decline in Infant Mortality

and Maternal Mortality, there is also a noticeable

improvement in health levels, and even some reduction in

fertility, which ultimately determines the number of

children born; yet. the decline is not enough. Experts

have made an assessment that our birth rate must come

down to 21 instead of 29, Infant Mortality Rate to 70

instead of 80, and exponential growth rate to 1.9 instead

of the present 2.2. Only then could we hope to move in

the direction of population stabilization around 20 1a or

2015. There is some awareness of the need to control

population as without containing population the country

would face enormous difficulties. It is, however, necessary

that the tempo of worthwhile programmes is increased

and greater efforts are concentrated on the younger age

groups, especially in the four or five States where the

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,decline has been much slower than in the rest of India.

Only then the goal of population stabilisation and

sustainable development could be reached in the next 10

to 15 years.

On a few occasions in the recent past, I have drawn

attention to economic consequences of an unrestraIned

population growth. Take any field in India. There has been

some progress manifest in higher economic growth. Yet,

the absolute number of the poor and illiterate have in fact

grown bigger on account of incessant growth of the

population. As against 50 million tonnes of food grains

produced in 1947 ,when our population ':Vas only 326

million, India last year produced 180 million tonnes.

However, there is disturbing evidence of a lowering of

nutritional standards especially in protein intake in fairly

large segments of the population, specially the more

vulnerable ones like mothers and children. Imagine, if our

population had groWn at a slower pace, this increase in

food production should have brought about a noticeable

improvement in the health of the entire populace.

Unemployment still remains a critical problem facing the

country due to addition of huge numbers to the band of

hopefuls. There is tremendous stress on water resources,

as it is with continuously denuding forestry. Just consider

that if we had been able to contain population in our

country to 700 million instead of over 900 million now,

although even 700 million too is a very high level of growth

rate, what would have been the effect on economic and

social life of the people:

1) Unemployment measured by applicants on the live

is 36 million would have nearly disappeared.

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2) The literacy rate which is less than 50% would

have gone up to 75%.

3) The number of hospital beds per 1000 population

would have increased from 0.9 to 1.5.

4) Per capita availability offooq,grains would have gone

up from 177 kgs at present to 230 kgs. Sugar

availability would have been 1.5 kgs against 0.8

kg. today.

Not only this. One of the biggest disasters of den).1ding

of the forests for the' sake of fire wood would not have

been so severe. More facilities. including housing. would

have become possible and standard of living of the people

would have been considerably better which would have

also lead to a much greater security and improvement in

social tensions.

As an industrialist. I feel that industry can play and

must play greater role in the movement for population

control. It was against this background of thinking that

some tittle back I made two suggestions to leaders of

Industry. I requested that Industry. which has an excellent

record of benevolent work. should set up health centres

and schools in their respective operational areas. Even

today there should be no need to overstress the value and

importance of these steps. It is qot only a contribution to

social welfare, but also an economic investment. An

educated and healthy manpower. will prove to be a source

of abiding strength to the Indian economy. It is skilled

labour force that guarantees a competitive edge to an

economy. Record proves that education assists in

population control more than anything else. In States,

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particularly in Southern region where education levels are

high, population growth is slow.

I am fully aware that this task is not small. Apart from

the efforts being made by the Central Government, States

will have to playa major role in' promoting population

control measures, particularly in the field of education

and health care of females. 'There should be greater

allocation for these sectors in the Central and State

budgets. Industry & Business and other voluntary

organisations should work more vigorously and assist the

State effort in controlling population. Family Planning is

obviously a non-controversial issue. So, I would suggest

that all the political parties should incorporate their priority

for family planning in their manifestos for the forthcoming

general elections. This is important as no amount of

planning could be fruitful unless there is consistent effort

by all concerned over a long period of time to first stabilise

and then bring the population to manageable levels. This

makes economic sense too.

Not taking much of your time as you would be more

keen to listen to Shri Ramakrishna Hegde, I would strongly

urge my brethren in politics, industry, business and other

fields to forget personnel biases at least on the issue of

population control and work hand-in-hand to enter into a

strong commitment to fight poyerty and backwardness by

ensuring Health and Education for All - two of the

important factors for family planning. Time to act is now.

Let not future generations say that we knew the problems,

understood the answers, had the means and ability to

address them and yet failed to act with required firmness

and determination. I think, all of us must consider the

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problem of family planning as not only a social problem

but an economic necessity. If only we can work out a

national consensus on our approach to collectively deal

with this problem. it will be a right tribute to Shri JRD

Tata who had been making all efforts to create national

consensus to curb population growth.

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DEMOCRATIC DECENTRALISATIONAND

POPULATION STABILISATION STRATEGIES

Ramakrishna Hegde

...l am beholden to the Population Foundation of

India. established by the late Bharat Ratna Shri

J.R.D.Tata and Dr. Bharat Ram. two illustrious sons of

India. for doing me the signal honour by inviting to speak

in the annual lecture series entitled "JRD Tata Memorial

Oration". commencing this year. I understand that this

series of lectures actually began in 1990 under the title

"Encounter with Population Crisis" by a lecture by Dr.

Norman Borlaug and from this year has been rechristened

as "JRD Tata Memorial Oration" in honour of the late Shri

JRD Tata who was the founder Chairman of Population

Foundation of India. The list of previous Speakers has. I

must admit. created a sense of inadequacy in me.

The Foundation has been doing a great national service

by organising seminars and discussions and funding many

projects in different parts of the country in educating the

people and spreading the awareness of the necessity of

practising family planning. We ~e at the threshold of the

21st Century and also at a point when the population of

this country will touch the figure one billion. At this critical

juncture sustained effort is called for to motivate the people

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to achieve the objective of stabilisation of population

growth. It is my firm belief that Panchayat Raj institutions

and NGOs ~re the best instruments for this purpose. But

do we Tt;ally have a network of such institutions? Have we

allowed th'e grassro()ts leadership to grow?

Even ,after almost 50 years of independence we have

not been able to establish Gram Swaraj of Gandhiji's

concept. He dreamt of an India where every village became

a self-reliant vibrant unit of self-rule; where the people

lived as members of the same family and collectively worked

for the welfare of the whole community.

Democracy means decentralised administration. Mter

the independence we started the democratic process from

-the wrong end. In a true federal system transfer of power

should start from the bottom. The people at the grass-

roots should decide the extent of power they need for the

development of the community at their level. Similarly. at

the District level the Zilla Parishad should decide the extent

of power it needs to discharge its responsibilities. Again.

at the' State level all the power needed for the development

of the State should be retained by the State. The Federal

Government should have the residuary powers surrendered

by the States

Australia.

as it happened in the U.S.A. and in

In India. it happened the other way round. The

Constitution was framed in the name of "the people of

India" by those who were the rulers in the Centre where

power was concentrated. Hence the phraseology of

democratic decentralisation. Our system is supposed to

be federal. Actually even when we framed the Constitution

we did not opt for true federalism. We adopted a quasi-

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federal system. Over the years the system has become

increasingly lopsided. Powers and resources are not

distributed in proportion to the responsibilities among the

four pillars of the State.

Federalism is essentially a political culture. an outlook

on national life. It is not merely a question of Centre-State

relations. For long discussion on Federalism has been

reduced to a debate on its purely constitutional or political

or economic aspects; a matter of division of powers between

the Centre and the States. This. of course. is of vital

importance; but the issue is much wider than that. At the

core lies the question whether in a land of our continental

dimensions. of rich diversities. - regional. linguistic and

other - and profound cultural traditions. our naQonalism

requires suppression of the diversities or whether the

national well-being will be fostered by encouraging and

allowing the diversities to have full play within the national

framework. It has always been my deep conviction that

strong States are imperative for a powerful Centre. I believe

that in the interests of social justice as well as economic

development of the country. especially rural development

geared to the removal of the plight of poverty in our land.

a new and radical approach is called for.

Such an approach will only reflect the trends visible

the world over. It is a strange irony that at a time when

every federation in the world has been abandoning the

time-worn dogma that federalism must necessarily mean

greater and greater accretion of power to the Centre and.

instead. begun to restore greater power to the States. in

India the trend since the adoption of the Constitution. 415

years ago. has been relentlessly. mindlessly towards

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amassing of power by the Centre, crippling the autonomy

of the States.

I want to make one thing clear in this context. Mine

is not a plea for decentralisation of power from New Delhi

to the States alone. The States have not been fair to the

Municipalities and other local bodies and Panchayats,

either. In my opinion, decentralisation must be right down

to the village level. The autonomy of local bodies is as

important as the autonomy of the States. If Federalism is

to be genuine, it must include in its scheme a fair and

adequate devolution of power to local bodies as a matter

of course. For it springs from an outlook whose central

principle is - "Let the people govern".

The Great American Federation is over 200 years old.

Everyone knows that in no other Federation in the world

do States enjoy greater autonomy than in the American

Federation. I was, therefore, struck by President George

Bush's address before the Joint Session of the Congress

on the State of the Union in January 1991. He made a

powerful plea for moving power away from the Union to

the States. He said that it is the citizen who should be the

repository of power: "And where power cannot be put

directly in the hands of the individual, it should be moved

closer to the people, away from Washington. The Federal

Government too often treats government programmes as if

they are of Washington, by Washington and for Washington.

Once established, Federal programs seem to become

immonial. It is time for a more dynamic program life cycle.

Some programs should increase. Some should decrease.

Some should be terminated and some should be

consolidated and turned over to the States It allows

the Federal Govemment to reduce overheads. It allows

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States to manage more flexibly and more efficiently. It

moves power and decision making closer to the people...

This nation was founded by leaders who understood that

power belongs in the hands of the people".

What President Bush said about Federal programs in

the United States is truer still of the Centrally-sponsored

Schemes in India. Every word of this criticism is applicable

to our Centrally-sponsored Schemes. They entail waste,

duplication and demoralisation all around.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar gave an authoritative exposition of

the federal character of our polity in the Constituent

Assembly in these clear words: "I think it is agreed that

our Constitution notwithstanding the many provisions

which are contained in it whereby the Centre has been

given powers to override the Provinces, nonetheless is a

Federal Constitution and when we say that the

Constitution is a Federal Constitution it means this, that

the Provinces are as Sovereign in their field which is left

to them by the Constitution as the Centre is in the field

which is assigned to them".

The Centre started overriding the States soon after the

Constitution came into force in several matters against

the provisions of the Constitution. So much so, in 1953

Dr. Ambedkar was obliged to say bitterly in the Rajya

Sabha apropos the imposition of Central Rule in the PEPSU

that "the people got a very legitimate ground for suspicion

that the Government is manipulating the articles in the

Constitution for the purpose of maintaining their own

party in office in all parts of India. This is a rape of the

Constitution" .

The tendency to usurp more and more power at the

cost of the States and local bodies became much stronger

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mainly due to the fact that a single political party ruled

the entire country for a long time, initially with popular

support, but later through manipulation and questionable

means. The State leadership of the party being subservient

to the National leadership left many matters of vital

importance pertaining to the State List to the Centre to be

decided. Hence in both ways the autonomy of the States

suffered.

Recently, an American Scholar, Prof. Thomas R. Dye,

published a book entitled "American Federalism:

Competition among Governments", in which he has pleaded

for rethinking of the old dogmas. Much of what he has

written is relevant to our situation. He writes; "Federalism

is not merely a decentralised national government, and it

is certainly not an effort to achieve cooperation among

national, state and local governments in carrying out

national policy. Competitive Federalism requires that state

and local governments have significant and independent

responsibilities for the welfare of people living in their

jurisdictions" .

In other words, the existence and autonomy of both

the States and local bodies must be respected. The States

must not be regarded as mere agents to carry out the

schemes propounded by the Union. Nor the local bodies

be regardeD as agents who would carry out the

implementation of projects devised in the State capital.

. There should, of course, be planning at the National level.

But it should be planning which reckons with the rights

of the States to have their own plans in the light of the

conditions within the States. The two planning processes

can be

dovetailed harmoniously, each fully respecting

the perceptions of the other. All the four units of

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government, namely, the Federal Government, the State

Governments, the Zilla Parishads and the Panchayats have

their place in the national set-up. If anyone of them is

neglected or undermined, the entire polity suffers. The

national interest will suffer if the States overlook the

legitimate claims of the Union. That interest will suffer

also if the Centre ignores the States or the States ignore

the local bodies, It will also suffer if the Union bypasses

the States and reaches out to the local bodies.

That was precisely what the Union Government headed

by Rajiv Gandhi sought to do by the 64th Constitution

Amendment Bill 1989. Its objective was not to foster

Panchayat Raj. Its objective was to undermine the States.

However, the intended damage was somewhat mitigated

by the enactment of 73rd Constitution Amendment Act.

This Act was a poor and unfair national limitation of the

Karnataka Act of 1983 which could not be implemented

for 2 years because the Union Government did not clear

it for President's assent. The Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act

contained, inter alia, the following far-reaching provisions:

i) Reduction of voting age from 21 years to 18.

ii} Reservations for women, Backward Classes. SCs &

STs.

iii} Transfer of nearly 60% of State revenues to Zilla

Parishads and MandaI Panchayats.

iv} Devolution of adequate powers and provision of

administrative and technical staff to these bodies.

v) Appointment of a Finance Commission.

vi) Conduct of elections by the Election Commission.

vii) No supercession but only dissolution in cases of

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grave irregularities and compulsory election to the

bodies concerned within six months.

vii) Giving statutory powers to Gram Sabha which

actually is the basic sovereign body of democracy.

In other words, both Zilla Parishads and MandaI

Panchayats were empowered to function as units of

Government and they did function as much successfully

when the Act was implemented.

In 1985 a Conference of the newly elected members of

Zilla Parishads and MandaI Panchayats was held in

Bangalore to mark the dawn of the rule of the people.

There was a gathering of over 50,000 people, Ij3rd of

whom were women. It was an unprecedented event in

human history; for, every one of the men and women who

attended was an elected and accredited representative of

the people. It was not a public meeting or a mela.

I had invited the present Prime Minister Shri P.V.

Narasimha Rao who was then the Union Minister of Human

Resource Development to inaugurate the Conference. He

paid handsome tribute to the Karnataka Government for

starting a new epoch. I said in my speech "this is the real

transfer of power that is happening after independence.

The first one took place on August 15, 1947 when the

foreign rulers transferred the power to Indian rulers. Now.

after 45 years we are witnessing another transfer of power.

This time it is from the Indian rulers to the people of India

to whom the power really belongs. From this moment you

will have the same power so far exercised by the State

Government for the development of your districts and

mandals and it is upto you now to use it in the best

possible manner".

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The Karnataka Zilla Parishads Act. hailed as a model

piece of legislation of decentralisation. was abolished by

the successor Government in 1989 and in its place the

Government brought a deformed. lifeless and bureaucracy

oriented Act which is but a mockery of democratic

decentralisation.

We have amended the Constitution more than 80 times

during the last four decades. mostly for the purpose of

giving more power to the Union Government and providing

benefits to the ruling party. In the process the autonomy

of the States was further undermined. I think it is high

time that this dangerous trend is reversed in the interest

of the integrity and unity of the country. A system where

the Union becomes all powerful overriding the legitimate

rights of the States and denies the people the right to take

their own decision at different levels, is bound to produce

a strong feeling of regionalism and fissiparous tendencies.

We have seen this happening in several parts of our

country. I strongly feel that a radical change in the present

arrangement of distribution of powers must be brought

about without delay. The Sarkaria Commission came as a

poor response after I held a conference of Southern Chief

Ministers on Centre-State relations in Bangalore in 1983.

The sop provided by this Commission will not satisfy the

deepening feeling of deprivation and injustice. The crisis

demands fundamental changes in the governance of the

country.

The Union Government should concern itself with

subjects like defence. external affairs. foreign trade etc.

etc.. and the State Governments and the Zilla Parishads

and Panchayats should have complete autonomy to run

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the Government in their respective jurisdiction within the

national policy framework to be laid down by the National

Development Council which should also include the

representatives of Panchayat Raj institutions. I believe in

the establishment of genuine federal structure in India,

comparable with the American system. Because Federalism

is a defence against tyranny, it prevents the abuse of

power to a large extent.

I have dwelt upon the subject of decentralisation at

such great length to highlight the following points:

1. Programmes concerning the people, particularly

schemes like literacy, family welfare, public hygiene

etc., cannot be implemented successfully without

the cooperation and willing participation of the

people concerned and the best way to do this is

through the grass-roots institutions.

2. . For this purpose, empowerment of the people is

imperative. There is bound to be strong resistance

to sharing/power on the part of government officials

and politicians especially at the State level for

obvious reasons. There could be even concealed

conspiracy between them and the contractors. This

must be overcome through a categorically stated

national consensus arrived at the National

Development Council. I strongly recommend that

the Karnataka model (1983 Act) should be adopted

by all States.

One among every 5 people in the world is an Indian.

According to demographic prediction, India is going to

overtake China very shortly as the most populous country

in the world. There are more then ten million people in

India who are blind, another ten million who are otherwise

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physically handicapped and another five million who are

mentally retarded; more than half of the illiterate people

of the world live in India. We have the largest number of

destitutes in the world and out of every 100 unemployed

80 are Indians. We have the largest number of children

suffering from malnutrition. In the nation's capital, Delhi

itself. according to a recent survey. over 40% of the children

were under-weight and one in eight suffers from severe

malnutrition. Infant mortality rate is as high as 78 per

thousand. In the State of Uttar Pradesh which can boast

of sending six Prime Ministers of our country 30% of 1:\\1e

new born died before the age of five. These are all

consequences of over-population. Can we be proud of our

country becoming most populous?

When I see the magnitude of the problem of popplation

I feel highly agitated at the failure of the Government at

the Centre in not according highest priority to the problems

of population growth. illiteracy and unemployment which

are actually interconnected and form a kind of vicious

circle. "Free and compulsory education for all children

until they complete the age of 14 years" is a Constitutional

responsibility which was to be discharged in a period of

10 years after the Constitution came into force. It is almost

50 years now and we have only 30% literates. Many other

Directive Principles casting obligations on the government

have remained unimplemented. Several of them have a

close bearing on the stabilisation of populati~n growth.

Despite all talk of the involvement of people and public

institutions. family welfare programme has remained largely

official and therefore it did not have the desired impact.

This programme did not suffer because of paucity of funds.

Since the village level institutions were not actively

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involved, the money spent was largely a waste. It is not

just a coincidence that the birth rate has appreciably fallen

in States where there is high literacy rate and active

Panchayat participation. Cent per cent literacy, full

employment, cent per cent health coverage before the end

of the centuzy should be the National policy which can be

achieved if we implement one couple-one child policy.

Perhaps, we may learn from China's experience. The

Chinese Government until 1979 provided incentives to

p!'oduce more children and the growth rate reached almost

3% annually but since 1979 the Chinese Government,

realising the danger, completely reversed its population

policy and brought down the annual growth rate to less

than 2%. Now China is aiming at zero per cent growth.

This was possible because China used carrot and stick

policy. Noted economist Amartya Sen speaking on

population policy recently has observed that "cooperation

can contriQ..ute something that coercion cannot providen.

Of course, coercion of the Emergency kind is out of

question, but the problem is far too serious to be casually

treated.

We should not forget that some groups and political

parties have vested interests in high rate of population

growth for obvious reasons. This is evident from the recent

survey conducted in Kerala which has recorded the lowest

population growth. According to the survey, even though

decadal growth of population for the whole State was

14.23%, which is the lowest among the 30 States and

Union Territories, the growth of population among certain

social groups was as high as 28.87%

You may recall that in mid 1950s Pandit Nehru

introduced a new programme called Community

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Development Programme which within a few years attracted

the attention of many developing countries. This

programme covered every aspect of the life of the people

in a given area in rural India including literacy, public

and personal hygiene, social welfare, family planning,

besides other rural development schemes. Emphasis was

on social education touching different aspects of the

individual as an integral part of the community. All rural

programmes were to be implemented by the Panchayat

Raj institutions with people's participation. The message

was "we help you to help yourself'. This brought a new

awakening in the countryside and created a new awareness

even among the illiterates

about their rights,

responsibilities and their welfare. Unfortunately, this

programme was replaced by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi

in late 1960s by fancy and election oriented ad-hoc

schemes like 20-point programme which were implemented

mainly by government officials.

I strongly recommend that a new Community

Development Programme should be started in India, the

soul of which should be social education. To achieve

population stabilisation in our country we should use a

"Trishul" (trident) Le., a three-pronged method; Firslty,

the cooperation and collaboration method spreading

awareness through literacy. education and information

campaign. Secondly, the incentive method such as

providing full employment to an adult of one-child family.

And thirdly, the disincentive method, barring the people

having more than two children from holding public office

and contesting elections.

3.3 Page 23

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(Formerly Family Planning Foundation)

First Published in 1995 by:

K Balakrishnan

Secretary and Treasurer,

Population Foundation of India,

B-28, Qutab Institutional Area, New Delhi-110 016

Composed and Printed by:

SILVER BYTES

G-50, Green Park

New Delhi - 110 016

Tel. : 685 1173

Editing and Production:

O. P. Bhasin

3.4 Page 24

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I.ifl.tl.