Behind the Screen_Study on Adolescents Digital Interaction and Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in India

Behind the Screen_Study on Adolescents Digital Interaction and Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in India



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Table of Contents
Abbreviations................................................................................................................................ 3
Executive summary....................................................................................................................... 5
Section 1: Introduction and context setting.............................................................................. 8
Section 2: Study objectives and methodology.......................................................................... 24
2.1 Study objectives........................................................................................................... 24
2.2 Framework for the study and areas of enquiry........................................................24
2.3 Study methodology..................................................................................................... 27
2.4 Brief overview of the execution of the study........................................................... 31
2.5 Challenges and limitations......................................................................................... 32
Section 3: Respondent demographics, digital use, and interactions...................................... 33
3.1 Respondent demographics.........................................................................................33
3.2 Access to digital devices............................................................................................. 35
3.3 Internet access and use...............................................................................................36
3.4 Parental supervision.................................................................................................... 42
3.5 Internet first usage and importance......................................................................... 44
Section 4: Internet risk perception and awareness of OCSEA................................................. 46
4.1 Internet risk perception.............................................................................................. 46
4.2 Understanding of OCSEA............................................................................................ 48
4.3 Awareness of laws and redressal mechanisms for OCSEA......................................50
4.4 Information and education on OCSEA...................................................................... 51
Section 5: Experiences of OCSEA................................................................................................ 55
5.1 Experiences of OCSEA................................................................................................. 55
5.2 Managing incidents of OCSEA................................................................................... 61
5.3 Implications of OCSEA on adolescents’ lives........................................................... 65
5.4 Addressing OCSEA – the way forward...................................................................... 66
Conclusion and recommendations............................................................................................. 72
Annexure 1: Data tables............................................................................................................... 76
Annexure 2: Details of districts and locations where data collection was done................... 106
Annexure 3: Details of qualitative interactions......................................................................... 108
Annexure 4: Readings for desk review....................................................................................... 109
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Abbreviations
AI
ANM
ASHA
AWW
CBI
CCPWC
CRC
CRY
CSAM
CSO
DS
FACT
GOI
HFC
ICPF
ICT
IDI
ILO
IPC
ISP
IT Act
IWF
IWF
JJ Act
LEAs
NCMEC
NCPCR
NCR
NCRB
NCRP
NFHS
NGO
NIMHANS
OBC
OCSEA
OTT
PDP
PFI
Artificial Intelligence
Auxiliary Nurse Midwife
Accredited Social Health Activist
Anganwadi Worker
Central Bureau of Investigation
Cyber Crime Prevention Against Women and Children
Convention on the Rights of Child
Child Rights and You
Child Sexual Abuse Material
Civil Society Organisation
Development Solutions
Freedom from Abuse of Children from Technology
Government of India
High Frequency Check
India Child Protection Fund
Information Communication Technology
In Depth Interview
International Labour Organisation
Indian Penal Code
Internet Service Providers
Information Technology Act
Internet Watch Foundation
Internet Watch Foundation
Juvenile Justice Act
Law Enforcement Agencies
National Centre for Missing and Exploited Children
National Commission for Protection of Child Rights
National Capital Region
National Crime Records Bureau
National Cybercrime Reporting Portal
National Family Health Survey
Non-Governmental Organisation
National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences
Other Backward Caste
Online Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse
Over-The-Top
Personal Data Protection
Population Foundation of India
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POCSO
PSU
SC
ST
TARSHI
TRAI
UDAYA
URL
WHO
Protection of Children from Sexual offences
Primary Sampling Unit
Scheduled Caste
Scheduled Tribe
Talking About Sexual Health and Reproductive Issues
Telecom Regulatory Authority of India
Understanding the lives of adolescents and young adults
Uniform Resource Locator
World Health Organisation
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Executive summary
This study on adolescents’ digital interactions and online child sexual exploitation and abuse (OC-
SEA) in India, was undertaken with a two-fold objective. (1) Understanding the type and amount
of social media activity among adolescents. As well as their parents’ and teachers’ understanding
and perceptions of adolescent digital engagement. (2) The second objective was to analyse the
adolescents’ understanding, awareness, experience, and mitigation of OCSEA, as well as the par-
ents’ and other stakeholders’ perceptions.
Given these objectives, a cross-sectional mixed method study design was adopted, with second-
ary and primary methods of data collection. The study was undertaken with adolescents, their
parents, and teachers, from urban, peri-urban, and rural locations in four states – Bihar, Delhi,
Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh. The methods included:
• Literature and secondary data review – on the nature and extent of digital use and OCSEA in In-
dia, the legal and regulatory frameworks, efforts of the government and other key stakeholders.
• Quantitative survey – with 822 adolescent boys and girls, 219 parents and 45 teachers, across
four states
• Qualitative interactions – 40 interactions with adolescents, parents, teachers, civil society or-
ganisations, and technology/social media companies. The key findings emerging from the study
are as follows.
The key findings emerging from the study are as follows.
Adolescent digital access and use
• Access to the mobile phone and internet was universal. A higher proportion of adolescent boys
owned personal mobile phones, while more girls had shared access.
• A majority of adolescents used the internet daily. A greater proportion of adolescent boys and
those in urban locations used the phone daily, and for more hours each day.
• Adolescents used the internet primarily to access social media platforms. Other uses included
education and learning, downloading music, playing games, instant messaging and to meet people.
• Adolescents used the internet to communicate with known persons; however, nearly 30% of
them communicated with strangers/people they did not know; and 70% communicated with
second degree contacts.
• A larger proportion of adolescents above 15 years of age used and accessed the internet, as
compared to those 13-15 years of age.
• Parents were aware of the extent of internet use among their adolescent wards and the common
uses of the internet - such as for education and to access social media. However, they appeared to
be much less aware of the extent to which the adolescents used the internet to meet new people
or visit chat rooms or for instant messaging.
• YouTube and WhatsApp were the most popular social media platforms among adolescents,
followed by Facebook and Instagram. Instagram and Twitter were the more popular among urban
adolescents.
• 63% of adolescents and 74% of parents reported parental supervision/monitoring of phone and
internet use by adolescents. Checking of phones and devices was the most popular method of
monitoring. Adolescent girls were subject to more rules, limited time and use of the internet, in
addition to checking of phones.
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Internet risk perception, understanding of OCSEA and its redressal
• Dating and gaming websites/apps, chat rooms were seen as the most unsafe, followed by social
media platforms. Online shopping and educational platforms were seen as safer. Despite consid-
ering them unsafe, adolescents accessed social media.
• Exposure of adolescents to sexual content was seen as a significant risk. This was more so for
adolescent girls, than boys.
• Most adolescents understood OCSEA. However, they also considered financial fraud, making
jokes, and posting rude views online as OCSEA. As with adolescents, both parents and teachers
understood OCSEA, but needed more clarity on the differentiation between online sexual abuse
and general online abuse. Adolescents above 15 years of age were more aware on what consti-
tutes OCSEA.
• Awareness of laws and rules to prevent online sexual abuse was limited. Teachers were more
aware of this than adolescents and their parents.
• Parents and teachers had spoken to adolescents on safe/responsible online behaviour. How-
ever, conversations on dealing with sexually explicit/X-rated content, or talking about personal
things such as sex, was limited.
• Parents and teachers had spoken to adolescents on safe/responsible online behaviour. How-
ever, conversations on dealing with sexually explicit/X-rated content, or talking about personal
things such as sex, was limited.
• For adolescents, sources of information on OCSEA were primarily the internet, social media
platforms and friends/peers.
• Initial insights suggest that adolescents exposed to information/education on OCSEA had better
awareness and understanding of OCSEA compared to those who did not receive any information/
education.
Experiences of OCSEA
• 15% of adolescents had faced at least one incident related to online sexual abuse or exploita-
tion - a higher proportion of urban boys reported this. Among those who faced at least one
OCSEA incident, 67% of adolescents above 15 years of age had faced an incident, as compared to
33% of those who were 13-15 years of age. Boys and those above 15 years were also the groups
that accesses the internet the most.
• The most common incident reported was ‘coming across sexually explicit content when surfing
the internet’.
• While reported by only 1% adolescents, a slightly higher proportion of girls reported someone
online talking to them about sex when they did not want to; and being threatened or embar-
rassed by someone posting or sending messages about them to other persons. Several such
incidents, faced by adolescent themselves and friends/peers were reported during qualitative
interactions.
• A significant denial and lack of acknowledgement of their wards having faced OCSEA was noted
among parents.
• Among those who had faced at least one OCSEA related incident, 55% faced it on Facebook,
followed by YouTube, WhatsApp and then other social media and Over-The-Top (OTT) platforms.
Analysis suggests that a greater degree of parental supervision is associated with adolescents
reporting lower incidents of OCSEA.
• The common ways of managing incidents of OCSEA included deleting or blocking a person/
source and changing privacy settings. 17% of respondents who had faced an incident did not do
anything about it, and only 5% reported it to a service provider.
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• Adolescents feared telling their parents of any incidents of OCSEA; more so girls, who feared sig-
nificant punitive action, including discontinuation of education and early marriage.
With expanding internet access, a greater proportion of adolescents are likely to be exposed to
OCSEA. The silence on issues of sex and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) in the com-
munity, prevent acknowledgement of the problem, effective information sharing and redressal.
Girls are at a particular disadvantage, with access to phones and internet being gendered, rules
and supervision being gendered, and even punitive action and implications being gendered.
Recommendations
There is a need for a multi-stakeholder effort to ensure a safer internet eco-system for children
and adolescents in the country. In the context of the safer online interactions and redressal of OC-
SEA among adolescents, the recommendations are as follows.
• Overarching policy and system recommendations
• Need for a clear and common definition of OCSEA, with common interpretation and
redressal across policies and stakeholders
• Need to strengthen evidence base on OCSEA to inform policy and systems reform and
strengthening
• Define clear processes and systems to address OCSEA, including for holistic victim
support
• Strengthen existing redressal systems, including police systems and helplines, to ensure
easy access to children and adolescents. Wider public awareness on available helplines
and systems.
• Effective regulation of the private sector and technology companies to identify and
report incidents of OCSEA.
Public awareness and digital literacy – including the development and institutionalisation of
a plan for digital safety and literacy to reach all citizens of the country. This would include the
development of an age-appropriate curriculum and modules to be embedded within the school
curriculum and circulated through online and offline modes.
• Comprehensive sexuality education – provided through schools
• Building capacities and empowering key stakeholder groups, including parents, teachers, and
police officials to provide information, coach and guide adolescents on the identification and
management of OCSEA; and ensure redressal with sensitivity.
For each of the recommendations, it is important to ensure a gender lens. For instance, evidence
should be gender segregated, system strengthening efforts should ensure that efforts are taken
to address the concerns and challenges for girls. Similarly, capacity building efforts should ensure
that stakeholders are sensitised to the situation and concerns of girls.
The key to effective management of OCSEA is to empower parents/caregivers, children and
adolescents with information, develop effective systems, and create a conducive environment
where issues of sexual health and abuse could be discussed constructively.
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Section 1: Introduction and context setting
Setting the context for the study, this section presents a review of literature on six key areas - the
scale and nature of internet and social media adoption by adolescents; the internet consumption
patterns among adolescents, the definition and scale of online sexual abuse; the Government of
India (GOI) laws and regulations pertaining to online sexual abuse; the role of tech organisations,
and efforts of civil society organisations (CSOs) in addressing online sexual abuse and ensuring
a safe online environment. The review is based on information collected through an internet
based/ desk review of documents. While concentrating on India, the review also draws occasional
inferences from other countries to complement the study.
The desk review is complemented by primary data collection in the form of quantitative surveys
and qualitative interactions with adolescents, their parents, schoolteachers and organizations/
experts working on child protection. The results from the same are presented in the subsequent
sections of this report.
Use of internet and social media is rising dramatically among adolescents, and the age is
reducing
India is emerging as one of the largest internet users in the world with the fastest growing rate
of cellular phone penetration with more and more people accessing the internet through their
mobile phones. Different studies report varying numbers of internet users with one of the primary
uses of the internet found to be for social networks. India is ranked second for accessing social
networks after China1. Additionally, India is becoming increasingly attractive as a global target
consumer market with more and more international brands venturing into the Indian territory
across all product verticals.
In 2017, India had over 480 million active internet users across the country. The figure has jumped
to over 622 million by 20202. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) states that as of 21st
September 2021, there were 809.2 million internet subscribers of which 794.88 were broadband
subscribers and 39.4 million were narrowband subscribers, which means that this smaller number
of people had limited accessibility to the full scope of the internet3. 65% of the internet users in the
country are between 12 and 29 years of age (IAMAI and Nielsen, 2019), and about 31% are those
aged 12–19 years of age (ibid.)4. With the adoption of a blended approach of education, due to the
physical restrictions placed on school-learning due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the age of children
using internet and social media is rapidly reducing.
The available data on the gender and social group segmentation show wide disparities. The IAMAI-
Kantar Report ICUBE 2020 suggests that out of every 100 internet users in India, 58 are male and
42 are female. On the other hand, the National Family Health Survey 5 (2019–21) (NFHS) displays
a much wider gulf in these numbers, with 57.1% of the male population having ever accessed the
internet vis-à-vis 33.3% of the female population.
1https://www.statista.com/statistics/278341/number-of-social-network-users-in-selected- countries/
2IAMAI(KANTAR) Internet Adoption Report in India ICUBE 2020
3TRAI, Press Release No.2/2022, Indian Telecom Services Performance Indicator Report https://www.trai.gov.in/sites/default/files/PR_
No.02of2022.pdf
4IAMAI, Nielsen Digital in India Report 2019—Round 2
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Figure 1.1 Percentage of individuals who have ever used the internet- State-wise gender divide
(NFHS 2019-21)
When looking at the urban-rural divide, the figures for gender disparity in internet access are 72.5%
of males and 51.8% females in the city with the corresponding figures for rural areas being 48.7%
and 24.6%, respectively. The figures for variation in internet access on the basis of caste also yield
differences with some studies suggesting that “ST individuals have 27 percentage points lower
access to the Internet as compared to the other individuals”5.
As for social media, there were over 518 million active users who spent most of their screen time
on various social networking websites. It is interesting to note that the age group that dominates
most of these social networking platforms are young people.
The age of children on social media is progressively decreasing, despite Facebook and Instagram
mandating a minimum age of 13 to access their platforms. A study undertaken by the apex child
rights body the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), in 2021 across six states
of India, found that 38% of 10-year-olds have Facebook accounts, while over 24% had Instagram
accounts. This trend of very young children using social media platforms has been steadily growing.
For example, the UDAYA longitudinal study67(Understanding the lives of adolescents and young
adults) of adolescent boys and girls aged 10–19 by the Population Council show an increasing
trend in the use of internet and social media from 2015-16 (Wave 1) to 2018-2019 (Wave 2), in less
developed states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.
5Vaidehi, R., Reddy, A. B., & Banerjee, S. (2021). Explaining Caste-based Digital Divide in India. arXiv preprint arXiv:2106.15917.
6https://www.projectudaya.in/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Exposure-to-media_Bihar.pdf
7https://www.projectudaya.in/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Exposure-to-media_UP.pdf
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Figure 1.2: Percentage of boys and girls who ever used the internet and social media at Wave 1 and
Wave 2, Bihar, 2015–16 and 2018–19
A pan-India survey (conducted by the Institute for Governance, Polices and Politics, Social Media
Matters, and Youth Online Learning Organisation) on patterns of internet use by youths8 in India,
2020, found that 85% of non-adult users in India have access to smartphones. Most of them are
online five hours a day and 80% admitted to using social media. A growing number of youths are
also watching videos on OTT platforms other than YouTube.
With the setting in of COVID-19, social media consumption is reported to have increased by 70%
in the first five months of the pandemic and the period has seen a 45% increase in the number of
postings that are being done by users on various platforms like Instagram, Facebook and Twitter9.
Choice of social media platforms differs by age and is dynamic in nature
Over the years, there has been a proliferation of social media platforms. Of these, Instagram has
become more popular and more widely used by adolescents as compared to Facebook. In the
India survey on patterns of internet use by youths (2020), almost 70% stated Instagram as their
first choice as far as social media is concerned, about 20% reported Facebook as their first choice.
Only 5% of the users reported Twitter as their first option. Interestingly, the banned social media
platform TikTok is the most popular among female respondents, other than Instagram.
8The links of survey conducted during June – July 2020 lockdown period were circulated across various social media platforms and 1154 valid
responses were used. The all-India survey also comprised Northeast India. Maximum responses came from Maharashtra followed by Uttar
Pradesh and Rajasthan. As per the sample, female and male respondents were 48% and 51% respectively while 1% reported their gender to
be other.
9Ahmed, E. (2019, April 28). Use of Social Media by Teens: Pros and Cons. Retrieved from Social Media Magazine:
https://www.socialmediamagazine.org/use-of-social-media-by-teens-pros-cons/
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Source: India survey on Patterns of Internet use by youths (2020)10
There is a thin line between responsible and risky behaviour in consumption
Adolescence is a time when the youth are attempting to forge and define their identities, find
their place in society, and foster a sense of belonging to a community that calls out to them. So,
while a large percentage of young people use the internet to access educational programs, they
also use social media platforms as fora for identity development and to build a sense of self and
acceptance11.
According to the all-India study conducted by McAfee’s Tweens, Teens and Technology Report in
2014 covering adolescents in the 9-17 age bracket, two-thirds (66%) of youth in India said they felt
more accepted on social media than they did in real life. 72% felt important or popular when they
received a lot of “likes” on the photos posted of themselves on social media. This was particularly
true for those who felt isolated or marginalised, for instance youth who found shelter in “…virtual
communities (that) provide safe alternative spaces for LGBTQ youth to communicate and express
themselves with an invisible audience, free from physical harm “12. This may indicate a binary
between the dangerous world offline and a more sanitised virtual existence online, but the risks
particular to the internet must be highlighted even as we appreciate the possibility for affirmation
and connection.
Research reveals that social media can create peer motivation and inspire young people to develop
new and healthy habits. Adolescents can also find positive role models online. Studies show that
adolescents who express their opinions on social media experience increased well-being. It often
serves as a medium for one to exhibit one’s creations, hone burgeoning opinions and connect with
like-minded people from all over the world. It can also be a vehicle for advocacy and crowd-sourced
societal impact that allows for examining not only what is topical in their region but to even widen
their gaze beyond their immediate context to developments on a scale that can go global. Digital
skills and active participation online are also essential to future work and personal development in
contemporary society and, overall, have been correlated with a sense of well-being13.
10https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Hh-jAvU1n-mPDopCp-YLod4qbIVmp9lV/view
11Paul Best, Roger Manktelow, Brian Taylor, Online communication, social media and adolescent wellbeing: A systematic narrative review,
Children and Youth Services Review, Volume 41, 2014, Pages 27-36,
12Leanna Lucero (2017) Safe spaces in online places: social media and LGBTQ youth, Multicultural Education Review, 9:2, 117-128
13Global Kids Online (2019). Global Kids Online: Comparative Report, UNICEF Office of Research – Innocenti However, the report
stresses a constant need for oversight of online activity by parents, civil society and governmental agencies to allow for online existence
to have positive outcomes for the children.
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At the same time, the study by McAfee points out that young people often overshare what
would be considered private information publicly, both intentionally and unintentionally. This is
despite the majority (80%) of Indian youth being aware that their online activity can reveal their
identity, which could have real world consequences. Of those surveyed, 90% have done or posted
something risky online, 70% have posted their contact details like email, phone, home address,
etc. This demographic is more trusting of the virtual world and the strangers that people it, despite
knowing that it is risky. As per the survey, 53% had met someone in person that they first met
online. Of them, 52 % had chatted during online gaming, 49% on TV show fan pages and 42% live
tweeting and others during a live show.
The study also showed that 63% of youth did not turn off their location or GPS services across apps,
leaving their locations visible to strangers, and only 46% enabled privacy settings on their social
networking profiles to protect their content. Keeping up with their community’s expectations and
giving in to peer pressure, 64% even admitted having tried reinventing themselves online by trying
to appear older or creating a fake profile or posting photos that were not their own. Moreover,
46% said that they would put themselves in danger to see more engagement/activity on their posts
(e.g., more likes, comments, shares, or retweets).
Similarly, an all-India survey on patterns of internet use by young people by the Institute for
Governance, Polices and Politics and Social Media Matters and Youth Online Learning in 2020
revealed that nearly 30% of respondents admitted to having shared sensitive information online,
while half of them accepted that they had watched online pornography and 40% agreed to knowing
peers who had watched pornographic content on the internet.
But every study does not prioritise the doom and gloom of it all. In January 2022, Aarambh India
published The Ideal Internet Report 2019-2020, Understanding the Internet of Children and Young
People. The study set out to understand the internet on the children’s own terms without stressing
notions of safety and harm over and above the affirming aspects of their experiences online. The
survey was conducted with 155 respondents between 13 and 31 years of age in 6 cities with varied
social locations in terms of caste, class, gender and sexuality. Given that this is the age range
that has had the greatest amount of exposure to the internet, the continuity drawn between
those whose adolescence began with the mainstreaming of the internet in India and those who
have grown up in a world far more saturated by the online, the discussion of the internet is less
binary and more nuanced. There is an acknowledgement of both, the dangers that lurk as well as a
celebration of the creative potential and possibilities of the internet. For instance, if fake accounts
are seen as something inherently wrong on the internet that signal nefarious intent, the report
quotes queer children and girls using them as a way to ensure their own anonymity and safety.
The ideal internet was conceptualised as fast, consistently available, safe, private, gender-neutral
in terms of access and free from censorship. The aspirational elements were counterbalanced
by an explicit need to know how to safeguard oneself on the internet. A key finding was also that
while 69% of respondents knew about reporting mechanisms, the interface was too cluttered and
overwhelming to make actual use of it.
What constitutes online child sexual abuse varies across organisations and needs to be
standardised
The World Health Organisation defines child sexual abuse as “the involvement of a child in sexual
14Siddharth Pillai, Teemol Thomas and Uma Subhramaniam (2022) Understanding the Internet of Children and Young People in India:
The Ideal Internet Report 2019 – 2020, Aarambh India, Mumbai
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activity that he or she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent to, or
for which the child is not developmentally prepared and cannot give consent…resulting in
actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a
relationship of responsibility, trust or power” (WHO, 1999).
In recent years, the use of the internet and social media by children and adolescents has increased,
and with it, the risk of a new type of endangerment: online sexual abuse. This has become a major
issue of concern.
Looking at the different definitions used by organisations; terms like harassment, abuse and
exploitation seem to be used interchangeably. According to Childnet International, online sexual
harassment is defined as “unwanted sexual conduct on any digital platform. It includes a wide
range of behaviours that use technology to share digital content such as images, videos, posts,
messages, pages, etc.”
UNICEF defines the term sexual abuse and exploitation as:
(a) Engaging in sexual activities with a child who, according to the relevant provisions of
national law, has not reached the legal age for sexual activities (this does not apply to
consensual sexual activities between minors), and
(b) Engaging in sexual activities with a child where use is made of coercion, force, or threats;
or abuse is made of a recognised position of trust, authority, or influence over the child,
including within the family; or abuse is made of a particularly vulnerable situation of the
child, notably because of a mental or physical disability or a situation of dependence.
Child sexual abuse becomes sexual exploitation when a second party benefits monetarily,
through sexual activity involving a child. It includes harmful acts such as sexual solicitation and
sexual exploitation of a child or adolescent in prostitution. The Council of Europe Convention
covers situations in which a child or another person is given or promised money or other form of
remuneration, payment or consideration in return for the child engaging in sexual activity, even
if the payment/remuneration is not made (UNICEF —Ending Online Child Sexual Exploitation and
Abuse - OCSEA, 2021)15.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) has come up with a glossary of definitions of online
child sexual abuse. The new global terminology guidelines (“Luxembourg Guidelines”), which are
now available to all major child protection agencies and organisations around the world, as well
as lawmakers and the media, have introduced standard interpretations of terminology. Through
practical guidance on navigating the complex lexicon of commonly used terms relating to the
sexual abuse and exploitation of children, including their online dimensions, they seek to inform
the discourse and collaboration on a common framework for child protection.
The lack of consistent standardised terminology that clearly defines OCSEA muddies efforts to
create awareness around it among people and sustains bureaucratic redundancies in enforcement
of its redressal. A stable glossary would go a long way in coordinating efforts between civil society
organisations, policy, law enforcement and the public to tackle the issue head on. The particularities
of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) as a medium of child abuse and exploitation
requires strict definitions that emphasise the new risks that cannot be covered by pre-existing laws
and thus require specialised technical assistance to draft.
15United Nations Children’s Fund (2021) Ending online child sexual exploitation and abuse: Lessons learned and promising practices in low-
and middle-income countries, UNICEF, New York
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The tactics of online sexual exploitation and abuse by predators have multiplied. Example of some
tactics are as below: -
- Grooming to gain trust. Grooming is the process of establishing/building a relationship with
a child either in person or using the internet or other digital technologies to facilitate either
online or offline sexual contact with that person. They develop a relationship using specific
strategies such as complimenting over and over, provide lots of attention and affection,
kindness, gifts, money. Online grooming does not happen through a linear process (Black
et al., 2015; Elliot, 2017); it happens through a dynamic process driven by the motivation and
capabilities of the offender and the offender’s ability to manipulate and control the victim.
- Blackmail is similar to the common understanding of the term. To get something by
threatening to hurt the person such as by publishing sexual photos/videos of the
personunless one does what they want.
- Love bombing is to give an abundance of compliments and affection to gain love and trust as a
precursor to sextortion.
- Luring is when a person uses online communication to contact someone, they think is under
18, to make it easier for them to commit a sexual offence against that person.
- Persistence is to keep asking for something, even when refused.
- Using pity/guilt includes making the victim feel sorry for them, or guilty about something, so
that the victim may be manipulated into doing what the predator wants.
- Sharing sexually explicit material includes sending unwanted sexually explicit material
(pornography, nude photos of themselves, etc.), trying to convince the victim this type of
unsolicited sexual behaviour is acceptable.
- Sextortion is when someone uses a sexual photo/video to blackmail or coerce someone into
doing what they want. For example, threaten to share a nude or semi-nude photo of you with
your school or post it online unless given money or send more sexual photos/videos or meet
them in person
- Sexting. Researchers have suggested that sexting practice, even if seemingly consensual,
may lead to non-voluntarily sexting in response to pressure as well as lack of consent for the
forwarding of images.
In addition, increased use of communication and ed-tech apps for online learning have also
raised concerns about the personal data of students; the accountability of those who have access
to said data in keeping it private; how it is being used; and whether it is being kept safe. Many
apps include learning analytics that help track student progress and this data could be identifi-
able. These technologies have previously posed privacy problems.
Thus, in addition to the urgent need to standardise definitions and terminologies, there is also a
need to include the emerging tactics of abuse and exploitation online, along with aspects of data
privacy and theft, when defining online sexual exploitation and abuse.
16Human Rights Watch,25th May, 2022, “How Dare They Peep into My Private Life” Child’s Rights Violations by Governmental Organisations
that Endorsed Online Learning During the Covid-19 Pandemic https://www.hrw.org/report/2022/05/25/how-dare-they-peep-my-private-life/
childrens-rights-violations-governments . It discusses the unfortunate harvesting of children’s data by EdTech applications to be sold for
potential ad revenue to tech giants like Google and Meta.
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Scale of online sexual abuse in India – Indian children are the fastest-growing victim group of
online sexual abuse.
The study by McAfee Corp — a global software company — entitled Life Behind the Screen of
Parents, Tweens and Teens in May 202217 found that the Indian children have the highest exposure
to online risks and are among the youngest to reach mobile maturity. Despite this, India lacks
robust and representative data documenting online experiences of the country’s children. In the
Global North, there is already a considerable body of theory, evidence, and expertise regarding
children’s online experiences, but it is important to acknowledge that this may not necessarily
apply to children’s experiences in the Global South.
In a compilation of reports on child sexual abuse material (CSAM) found online, India stands right
on top of the global list, with 11.7% of the total reports or at 19.87 lakh reports of such material
uploaded from the country. This is followed by Pakistan, which contributes 6.8% of all reports (11.5
lakh reports). Bangladesh is fourth with 5.5 lakh reports and a share of 3.3% (The Hindu - Most
online content on child sexual abuse from India, April 18,2020)18.
India reported over 24 lakh instances of online child sexual abuse during a three-year period
between 2017-20 with 80% of the victims being girls below the age of 14 years, according to Interpol
data. The data also indicates that content and consumers of CSAM are growing at a sharp rate with
one study reporting that 1.16 lakh queries on child pornography were made on a single internet
search engine (Business Standard, 17 Nov. 2021)19.
A recent report by India Child Protection Fund (ICPF), reported that consumption of CSAM spiked
by 95% during the lockdown. Terms such as child porn, sexy child and teen sex videos appeared in
frequent searches as per a report citing data from the pornography website, Pornhub.
According to a study conducted by CRY20 on how children interfaced with the internet, with an
emphasis on risk perception and addiction, with adolescents in the 13-18 age bracket from eight
schools in Delhi and National Capital Region (NCR), there were numerous alarming findings. One
in every three adolescents exposed to the internet are victims of cyberbullying and other forms
of online abuse and nearly half of the users display some level of addiction. When broken down
across different categories of abuse, it is found that 10% of adolescents experienced cyberbullying,
10% had either their profile misused, or account hacked and 23% had seen a morphed image or
video online. The Internet Watch Foundation recorded a 77% rise in child ‘self-generated’ sexual
material from 2019 to 2020. When it came to interacting with other people on the internet, while
a resounding majority (63%) said that they only accepted friend requests from those they knew
in their immediate circles, i.e., offline, the rest admitted that they accepted requests from second
degree contacts and even absolute strangers.
The study also documents the almost impulsive need to be online and the loss of self-regulation
that some children reported: 48% of respondents displayed any level of addiction to the internet,
and severe internet addiction was observed in one percent of respondents, mainly among boys.
Internet addiction tended to increase with age and was greater amongst those adolescents who
had their own room at home, owned a mobile device, and did not have both parents at home. Lack
of control was very widely prevalent among the sample adolescent population (60%).
17McAfee Corp, May 2022, Life Behind the Screens of Parents, Tweens, and Teens—India
18Ramya Kannan, Most Online Content on Child Sexual Abuse from India, The Hindu, April 18th 2020
19Press Trust of India, India Reported over 24 L Online Child Abuse Cases in 2017-20: Interpol, Business Standard, 17th Nov, 2021
20Child Rights and You (CRY), 2020, “Online Safety and Internet Addiction (A Study Conducted Amongst Adolescents in Delhi-NCR)”, February
2020; New Delhi
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It was found that 4.6% of the respondents showed signs of severe lack of control. 57% of
respondents had a score indicating mild to extreme anticipation while using the internet and 44%
of respondents displayed indications of neglecting their social life because of spending time on the
internet (CRY, 2020,” Online Safety and Internet Addiction).
Government of India is making efforts but more needs to be done to effectively prevent,
detect and prosecute the offenders.
The policy and legal framework for cybersecurity in India is evolving and, notwithstanding several
shortcomings, is fairly enabling. It can be used effectively, even with its limitations, to build a
comprehensive strategy and action plan for addressing the issue of child online protection in the
country through concerted and coordinated efforts by various stakeholders.
India has been active in international efforts to recognise and protect the rights of children, and to
safeguard them against abuse and exploitation. “India was an early ratifier of the UN Convention
on the Rights of the Child (CRC) of 1990, and in 2002 it acceded to the Second Optional Protocol
to the CRC, which further strengthens the CRC’s provisions for online and offline offences against
children.” (ORF - A pandemic of abuse: How India is protecting its children online, June 2022).
However, India, does not have enough specific laws and regulations explicitly meant for addressing
all forms of online sexual abuse, or enforcement officials, with the specialised expertise to handle
these issues in a comprehensive manner. The above convention was drafted in the nascency of the
internet and does not cover the scope and extent of abuse in the context of contemporary mass
media.
Currently, online sexual abuse is being processed under the Protection of Children from Sexual
Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012. Different sections of the Act cover parts of online abuse; such as Section
13 covers child pornography produced and distributed through information and communication
technologies; Section 11(vi) provides that a person who entices a child for pornographic purposes
or gratification, with sexual intent is said to commit sexual harassment upon a child. Further this
Section states that a person is said to commit sexual harassment when such person ‘’repeatedly or
constantly follows or watches or contacts a child either directly or through electronic, digital or any
other means’’ with sexual intent. The section addresses, with less specificity than may be desired,
the real-world predation of children that is made possible by online interaction. There are also
other laws on child sexual abuse under the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which can be used.
The main law specifically relating to online child cyber bullying is the Information Technology (IT)
Act, 2000 (amended 2008), which covers cases of cyberbullying. Section 66E of the IT Act deals with
the violation of the privacy of a person. This section states that any person who violates the privacy
by transmitting, capturing, or publishing private pictures of any other person without the consent
of such person shall be punished with up to three years imprisonment or fine up to two lakh
rupees or with both. Section 67B(c) of IT Act, 2008 also punishes the enticement of children in an
online relationship with the purpose of publishing or transmitting of materials depicting children
in a sexually explicit act in electronic form. However, these provisions do not explicitly use the term
‘grooming’ or ‘online stalking’ but help in initiating a case against such abusers.
In line with the European Union General Data Protection Regulation (EU GDPR), the GOI is in the
process of enacting the Personal Data Protection Bill (PDP), 2019. The bill is proposed to effect a
comprehensive overhaul of India’s current data protection regime governed by the Information
Technology Act, 2000. The PDP bill deals with children’s data privacy, along with issues around
children’s use of online services including educational apps, the role of service providers and
restrictions on profiling of children. The law would bar profiling, tracking, or monitoring the
behaviour of children or use targeted advertising on children. There are restrictions placed on
processing children’s data in such a manner that it may cause significant harm to children and any
violation comes with heavy penalties. Further, all technology companies which may not be directed
at children but are used by them must process their data in their best interests. However, the Bill
in its current form is ambiguous regarding understanding of best interests or what constitutes
significant harm and other such terms for these provisions to be effectively implemented.
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For reporting purposes, all cities in India have a dedicated cybercrime cell. The Government has
also set up two chief mechanisms for self-reporting online child sexual abuse which are the POCSO
e-Box, a virtual complaint management system, and the National Cybercrime Reporting Portal
(NCRP).
The GOI also works with global organisations and initiatives such as Internet Watch Foundation,
UNICEF, and the WeProtect alliance, which brings together experts from the government, the
private sector and civil society to protect children from sexual exploitation and online abuse
globally.
The scale and pervasiveness of online abuse in India, recorded by Interpol, prompted the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to begin a more comprehensive undertaking to work against
suspected distributors of online child sexual abuse material in India, with several Uniform
Resource Locators (URLs) under the scanner for their liability in hosting such material. The CBI
also committed to becoming a National Nodal Agency for Interpol21.
Certain shortcomings in Indian laws and government response need to be recognised and
addressed as below: -
There exists an abject lack of quantitative and qualitative data on the subject. There is a need for
improving the loop, starting with data collection, analysis, and action. Until 2012, the National
Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) did not include statistics on online sexual abuse and exploitation
of children with the result that the issue received little attention in India. Now, the database
records such crimes under the POCSO Act, 2012, the IT Act, 2000, and the Indian IPC, 1860. In
2019, the Government created a cell for online child abuse and exploitation within the CBI.
The actual number of incidents of exploitation and abuse is not available given that NCRB only
records reported crimes. The public at large does not seem to be aware of these mechanisms
for reportage and redressal, nor is there a conscious effort to make the experience of online
sexual abuse as a cognisable offence, for which a child can lodge a complaint. This explains the
gulf between the number of self-reported crimes and the numbers published by international
intelligence organisations: “In 2020-21 the POCSO e-Box registered 151 complaints and NCRB
1105. By contrast, the NCRB received 2,725,518 reports from the US based National Centre for
Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC) in 2020 alone. The NCRB receives Tipline reports from
the NCMEC, which it then shares with state-level law enforcement agencies (LEAs), encouraging
them to take action (ORF, 2022)”.
The existing Indian laws are not sufficient to effectively prevent and combat the various
cyber threats such as grooming, and sexting, considering the specificity of digital sociality and
adolescent internet usage.
Gaps also exists in the manner policies are formulated and implemented. As pointed out in the
study by CRY, while the government is developing the internet governance policy frameworks,
there is a need for cohesion between the forums for internet governance policies and child
protection. Currently the two work in isolation. The internet governance policy should be
developed in partnership with child protection stakeholders such as the Police, Ministry of
Women and Child Development, National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, to decide
online policy measures that facilitate disclosure and reporting, as well as ensure victim support
and rehabilitation in accordance with the best interests of the child victim.
21Press Information Bureau, Government of India, Ministry of Women and Child Development, several measures taken by the Government to
prevent online sexual abuse and exploitation of children, 20th July, 2017 https://pib.gov.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=168731
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A major issue of concern is the limited specialist expertise among local law enforcement officials
to tackle online child abuse and exploitation in terms of reporting, investigation, evidence
handling and child sensitivity. While officers who are likely to investigate or respond to crimes
against children undergo mandatory training for child protection laws (POCSO 2012 and Juvenile
Justice (JJ) Act, 2015), they tend to divert all cases with an internet element to cyber cells, which
only have one or two officers, who are likely overburdened with cases and have no special
training in child protection, resulting in delays. This also has implications for centralisation of
investigation skills to a few officials. There is inadequate training and technology for handling
as well as ensuring admissibility of digital evidence. It is noteworthy that cybercrime police
departments are often focused on fraud
The ICT companies’ failure to stop online sexual abuse calls for better regulation and protection
measures
Social media organisations play a critical role in preventing online child sexual abuse. Several ICT
companies have created initiatives to address online sexual abuse in partnership with civil society
organisations. For example, Facebook has worked with Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
on online safety programmes for adolescents and parents. Google and Facebook have supported
Learning Links Foundation, which works with education professionals and policymakers to improve
online education systems. ‘The Twitter for Good Initiative’ addresses issues related to freedom of
expression, women in technology, emergency crisis response, improving access and inclusion and
digital citizenship. Several social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, etc. have
put in place different mechanisms but the predators are slipping through the cracks when files
are uploaded, according to the New York Times’ reporting . Amazon, whose cloud storage services
handle millions of uploads and downloads every second, does not even look for the imagery. Apple
does not scan its cloud storage, according to federal authorities, and encrypts its messaging app,
making detection virtually impossible. Dropbox, Google, and Microsoft’s consumer products scan
for illegal images, but only when someone shares them, not when they are uploaded. And other
companies, including Snapchat and Yahoo, look for photos but not videos, even though illicit
video content has been exploding for years (When asked about its video scanning, a Dropbox
spokeswoman said it was not a “top priority”).
The largest social network in the world, Facebook, thoroughly scans its platforms, accounting for
over 90% of the imagery flagged by tech companies last year, but the company is not using all
available databases to detect the material. And Facebook has announced that the main source
of the imagery, Facebook Messenger, will eventually be encrypted, vastly limiting detection (New
York Times – Tech companies are failing to stop online sexual abuse, 2019).
This calls for better regulation and incorporation of protective measures. In 2017, to help prevent
circulation of CSAM online, MeitY had mandated all Internet Service Providers (ISPs) in India to
sign up with Internet Watch Foundation (IWF), a private not-for-profit entity based in the UK that
offers systems that can filter, and block CSAM-hosting websites listed by Interpol. Thereafter,
IWF approached several large service providers like Airtel, Reliance Jio, Vodafone and Tata
Telecommunications to join hands against CSAM, but three years on,
22Keller, M.H., Dance, G.J.X., Child Abusers Run Rampant as Tech Companies Look Away, The New York Times, Nov 2019. The authors, citing
these companies, speak specifically to the tension between the consumer demand for privacy versus the societal responsibility of moderating
uploaded data that enables OCSAE.
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only one (TATA Telecommunications) out of over 150 operational ISPs has signed up (Business Line
``Online child sexual abuse: Industry players ignore govt fiat on partnering IWF’’ 2021).
During the pandemic, the GOI enforced the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and
Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 that seeks to address, among other things, the issue of child
sexual abuse on social media. The IT Rules call upon social media intermediaries to prohibit their
users from publishing or transmitting CSAM; make it mandatory for intermediaries to develop
tools to identify CSAM and block user access to such content. The rules also enjoin intermediaries
to help trace the first originator of information when confronted with a judicial order for the
investigation or prosecution of an offence related to CSAM or sexually explicit material. The IT
Rules call upon social media intermediaries to prohibit their users from publishing or transmitting
CSAM; make it mandatory for intermediaries to develop tools to identify CSAM and block user
access to such content.
According to some analysts, the IT rules are problematic. For social media platforms to help trace
content, they would have to break their end-to-end encryption, compromising the security of all
online communications on the platforms. Besides, the rules do not suggest a definite mechanism
for enforcing traceability. Also, given that the IT Act from which the rules stem does not empower
the government to dictate technical changes to platforms, the very legality of the rules becomes
debatable. Thus, while in principle the IT Rules seek to tackle OCSEA, it is hard to see how they
might be implemented unless these issues are resolved (ORF - A pandemic of abuse: How India is
protecting its children online, 2022).
Efforts to empower children and their eco-system by non-government organisations
Until companies and governments figure out a way to regulate online activities and protect
children, parents play a critical role in looking out for their children’s safety online. Some CSOs
are making attempts to address online child sexual abuse. For example, the Tulir Centre for
the Prevention and Healing of Child Sexual Abuse is raising public awareness of child sexual
abuse and prevention and offers support services for child victims. Bachpan Bachao Andolan’s
2015 Full Stop campaign raised awareness of cyberbullying, cyberstalking, and non-consensual
sexting. Freedom from Abuse of Children from Technology (FACT), a programme launched by
the Asian School of Cyber Laws, informs parents and children about online threats and how to
mitigate them. Population Foundation of India (PFI) has launched SnehAI, a chatbot that seeks
to address the lack of availability of accurate information on sexual and reproductive health and
raises awareness on consent, and violence. Powered by artificial intelligence (AI), SnehAI provides
adolescents a platform where they can get information on a range of issues that affects them. It
seeks to equip adolescents with information and resources to identify and report online abuse.
New Delhi-based Breakthrough has used the digital space for its media campaigns and dialogue
with young audiences against gender-based violence and discrimination. The group has also taken
up issues of online harassment and violence against women and girls and methods for addressing
them. Breakthrough has used the online space to create a dialogue with young boys and girls to
examine their own beliefs and social norms pertaining to gender relations and violence against
women and girls. The Cyber Peace Foundation incorporated child online protection in its programs
via two initiatives: the ‘E-Raksha Seminars’ in schools to raise awareness of children of the risks
and threats when using internet and social media; and the ‘I-Safe Project’ specifically targeting
youth to sensitise them on cyber-abuse, cyber-harassment and cyber-extremism implemented in
collaboration with the Policy Perspective Foundation.
There are also several national and global alliances such as WeProtect, India Child Protection Fund,
Internet Watch Foundation, among others, working on ensuring a safe online environment for
children and adolescents, and to enable information on online safety.
Some internet “de-addiction” centres have been set up in India. The National Institute of Mental
Health and Neurosciences (NIMHANS) set up a “Services for Healthy Use of Technology Clinic” to
offer counselling support to help addicted persons to replace excessive technology usage with
healthy usage. An internet de-addiction centre was also set-up by the Delhi-based Uday Foundation
two years ago to counsel children and parents and to wean them away from excessive
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use of the internet by engaging them in social welfare activities. This free service has handled
approximately 100 cases of internet addiction in the last two years, with a significant number of
younger children seeking assistance. The Mumbai-based initiative, Aarambh India, works on the
issue of child sexual abuse. Its website is the first national resource portal on online child sexual
abuse and exploitation, which it seeks to locate within the broader framework of child protection
in India and elsewhere. It also has a separate section on online safety for children with videos
and other resources. Aarambh provides support services for child victims of online abuse and
exploitation. Recognising the threat posed by websites that carry CSAM, it is collaborating with the
United Kingdom-based IWF. A reporting button on its website links to the IWF hotline for reporting
CSAM, whereafter IWF assesses the material and, if illegal, takes steps to remove it.
It is also important to look at efforts that have been made in the larger area of sexual health
and initiatives that promote sex education and empower adolescents and young people to make
informed decisions in the realm of sexuality, safety, and consent. There has been a great deal of
work done in terms of pushing forward initiatives of sexual education for children and women, and
for the LGBTQIA+ community. Organisations like Love Matters have a long-standing engagement
with issues of consent, specifically pertaining to minors, and advocate for an attunement towards
sex that does not shame, encourages curiosity and foregrounds the importance of safety. TARSHI
(Talking About Sexual Health and Reproductive Issues) is an organisation based out of Delhi that, as
their name suggests, focuses on initiating and enriching conversations around sexuality, LGBTQIA+
issues, reproductive rights, sexual health, gender-based violence, while affirming sexuality and
sexual curiosity across the full spectrum.
Although CSOs are doing a commendable job of creating public awareness about digital safety
and building resilience among children to deal with potential harm online, the narrow focus or
limited reach of their initiatives does not adequately address the growing need for informed and
responsible use of technologies. Taking these interventions to scale remains a major challenge.
A coordinated response —including common content focus, sharing of lessons and the evolving
concerns of children through a common platform, coordination of action and resources,
institutionalisation through inclusion in the school curriculum, and peer education—could guide
the way forward (UNICEF – Child Online Protection in India, 2016). In addition, the GOI needs to
learn, adopt, and implement them at a scale.
In recent times, there have been some efforts undertaken by the Central Board of Secondary
Education (CBSE), which has launched a cyber safety booklet for adolescents in the year 201923. The
booklet discusses topics such as digital security, digital rights and responsibilities, and digital law.
In July 2021, the CBSE also issued a circular to all affiliated schools on the provision of free training
on cyber security to teachers24. It is expected that teachers, once trained, will be able to impart
information on cyber security to the students. Some efforts have also been undertaken by schools
themselves to hold webinars/ sessions for students on cyber security25. As with civil society efforts,
the efforts at a school level, are also at a small scale, focussing more on basic internet security.
Issues such as online abuse are not widely addressed.
23https://www.cbse.gov.in/cbsenew/documents/Cyber%20Safety.pdf
24https://cbseacademic.nic.in/web_material/Circulars/2021/52_Circular_2021.pdf
25https://dpsrkp.net/interactive-session-on-cyber-security/;
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The need for a safe internet eco-system
The internet is increasingly penetrating every part of human life and will soon be everywhere,
touching every person on the planet. To navigate this system, safeguards to protect children from
risks need to be immediately put in place. Everyone is a stakeholder in this—children, parents,
teachers, schools, governments, and the private sector—no one can afford not to be vigilant.
But to understand what needs to be done to keep children safe when they are online, it is important
to first understand what ‘safe’ looks like. What would a system look like, in which children were as
safe as possible? And how would a child within that system experience the internet?
A schematic and guidance for a safe internet eco-system for children is provided by Digiwatch, a
Geneva-based internet platform, which outlines a role for various stakeholders (Figure 1.3).
Figure 1.3: Broadband Commission for sustainable development – Child Online Safety, 2019.
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The following are some recommendations for carving out the beginnings of such an environment:
Strengthen the evidence base for informed policy and public awareness. The data on the
extent, pattern, and trends of children’s usage of digital technologies and online sexual abuse
in the country is patchy. Research is being undertaken on small samples that is indicative of
certain trends in children’s interface with internet and the vulnerability to child sexual abuse
but there is the need for more studies for analysing large scale data that factors in class, caste,
religion and gender. Additionally, children’s experiences with the internet— particularly their
perception of risks and harm need – to be accessed.
Integrate child online protection in processes to strengthen child protection systems and
define a specific intervention package for holistic support for victims of child online abuse. It is
critical to recognise that risks and crimes do not occur online in isolation. Hence strong linkages
between online and offline spheres and different stakeholders need to be made to ensure child
protection, effective prevention of abuse and timely response by authorities.
Advocate to make the Indian laws and regulation comprehensive by adopting standardised
terminologies which will incorporate all forms of online child sexual abuse. These should be
reviewed regularly to keep pace with new forms of online sexual abuse of children. It is critical
to develop approaches that do not criminalise children and adolescents for harmful online
behaviours.
Incorporate specialised insights from tech and cyber-security experts, both in the development
of cyber tools to identify OCSEA and in nuancing the legal framework that redresses it. Given
the global scale of decentralised networks of online child predation, and cybercrime generally,
tech and data instruments are invaluable in the investigation of such crimes. This is where AI
can bring its strengths to the fight. AI can draw conclusions, solve problems, or take actions by
analysing options and reasoning without the need for hard-coded instructions for each scenario.
Better regulation and monitoring of private sector corporations to prevent online child sexual
abuse. Establish and reinforce collaboration between the ICT industry and law enforcement
actors to ensure effective reporting and redressal of online child sexual abuse.
Build capacities of the services providers to handle cases of online child sexual abuse effectively.
Develop a program to strengthen capacities for child online protection across the child
protection system. Create capacities for online counselling of child victims and child offenders
involved in online abuse and exploitation (e.g., ChildLine India).
Develop a plan to institutionalise and mainstream digital safety and literacy to reach a very large
proportion of children, caregivers, and relevant professionals. This would include developing
an age-appropriate ‘Digital Safety, Literacy and Citizenship’ Curriculum to be integrated and
mainstreamed in the school curriculum across subjects, particularly as part of the ICT curriculum
thereby ensuring active and meaningful engagement of children and adolescents in protecting
themselves and their peers from online abuse and exploitation.
Enable and empower parents and caregivers to play an active role in preventing and protecting
children from online abuse and exploitation. Support caregivers, educators, and parents to
understand what children should know, to be able to guide them appropriately and responsibly.
The existing awareness-building programmes lack common content focus, are fragmented,
and have limited outreach. There is a need for a coordinated approach for equipping children,
caregivers, teachers and public with skills for safeguarding against online threats and being
responsible digital citizens.
Provide children with resources and platforms to seek support when required. The government
needs to introduce comprehensive sex education in school curricula. The aim is to educate
children and adolescents to make decisions informed by contextually situated research on their
digital environment and ensure their safety without policing them or rote preaching. Develop
programmes for children for age-appropriate life-skills and education, which incorporate the
understanding of problems in the online context.
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Ensure adequate state budgetary allocations are made by the government to implement a
robust mechanism towards ensuring children’s online safety. Although the budget for child
protection has seen an increase of 44%, from Rs 1,089.36-1,573.82 crore (Budgetary estimates
for 2022-23), there is no clarity in terms of what portion of it will go to address online safety of
children, since there is no such component under the child protection umbrella.
A review of literature indicates an increase in social media use, more so among adolescents, with
India emerging as a global leader in internet users across the world. For adolescents and young
persons’ accessing the internet and social media platforms, there is a thin line between responsible
and risky behaviour. The internet offers opportunities for young persons to be motivated, seek
inspiration, pursue education, and feel an increased sense of wellbeing. However, young people also
overshare private information intentionally and unintentionally, putting themselves at risk. There
is also the risk of online sexual abuse. There are currently, no standardised definitions globally, or in
India, to define OCSEA and what it constitutes. Further, mechanisms to address OCSEA are limited,
more so in India. Literature indicates that with rapid internet penetration, children in India are the
fastest growing victim group, subject to online sexual abuse. Given this, the study seeks to better
understand the nature and extent of online engagement and experiences of online sexual abuse
among young persons in four states in India. A better understanding of the extent and nature of
OCSEA, will enable strengthening the policy and programmatic interventions. The study also seeks
to understand how OCSEA is understood among key stakeholders – adolescents, their parents and
schoolteachers, and their knowledge on redressal mechanisms too. This will help enable inputs to
empower key stakeholder groups to understand, address and manage OCSEA.
This report provides details on the study objectives and methodology and the findings from the
primary data collection with adolescents, their parents, and teachers.
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Section 2: Study objectives and methodology
2.1 Study objectives
The objectives of the study are as follows:
1) Understand digital interactions among adolescents
a) To identify the extent of online and social media usage among adolescents
b) To identify the popular social media platforms among adolescents
c) To understand the gaps in knowledge and abilities of parents/guardians and
teachers to ensure safe digital interactions for the adolescents
d) To provide policy recommendations for safe online digital interactions
2) Online child sexual exploitation and abuse
a) To assess the current knowledge and awareness levels regarding online CSEA among
adolescents, parents, and teachers
b) To assess the prevalence of online CSEA among adolescents
c) To assess the current strategies and legal measures available to tackle the cases of
online CSEA among adolescents in India compared to other developed countries
d) To assess the help-seeking behaviour among online CSEA survivors and ascertain the
support platforms they reached out to.
e) To determine the effectiveness of these support platforms
f) To provide policy recommendations to protect adolescents from OCSEA
Thus, the objectives are two-fold. The first objective is to understand the type and amount of social
media activity among adolescents; along with the parents’/guardians’ and teachers’ understanding
of and perceptions of adolescent engagement. The second objective is to analyse the adolescents’
understanding, awareness, experience, and mitigation of OCSEA, as well as the parents’ and other
stakeholders’ perceptions. Based on this, policy recommendations are proffered.
In the absence of a standardised definition of Online Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse
(OCSEA), this report will use the Childnet definition for OCSEA - “unwanted sexual conduct on
any digital platform. It includes a wide range of behaviours that use technology to share digital
content such as images, videos, posts, messages, pages, etc.”.
2.2 Framework for the study and areas of enquiry
Given the objectives, the framework for the study is outlined in Figure 2.1. The framework presents
the key respondent groups, the overarching themes of enquiry and the proposed methods. The
details of the areas of enquiry for each of the respondent groups and the study methodology is
presented subsequently.
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Figure 2.1: Study framework
Adolescents (13-19 years), Parents/Guardians and Teachers
Stakeholders working on
child protection issues
Understand Knowledge and
Perceptions
Digital interactions
• Perception of advantages and
disadvantages of social media
platforms and linkage with offline
threats.
• Gaps in Knowledge and abilities
of parents/guardians/teachers to
ensure safe digital environment.
• Online CSEA
• knowledge on risks of OCSEA and
redressal mechanisms.
Understand Use and
Experiences
Digital interactions
• Current Usage Pattern of social
media platforms and it’s extetent
of usage.
• Identification of popular and most
used social media platforms and
sources of information.
• OnlineCSEA
• Prevalence of OCSEA among
adolescents.
• Experience of any form of OCSEA.
• Help-seeking behaviours among
CSEA survivors and platforms
used
Understand Strategies,
Polices and legal Measures
Digital interactions and Online
• Assess current strategies and legal
measures to tackle OCSEA in India.
• Perceptions around current usage
among adolescents.
• Perceptions on prevalence of
OCSEA.
• Factors responsible for OCSEA.
• Major issues working on OCSEA.
• Suggestions, strategies and policy
recommendation for safe online
interactions and protection of
children from OCSEA.
Literature Review, Qualitative, and Quantitative Data Collection
Literature Review and
Qualitative Data Collection
Key areas of enquiry
Given the objectives and the framework, the areas of inquiry are as follows:
Secondary literature review/desk review
India-specific legal and regulatory frameworks/ provisions to prevent online child sexual
abuse, their review, gaps and challenges.
Existing evidence on the scale and prevalence of online child sexual abuse in India.
Digital adoption by adolescents in India, divided by age, gender, social groups.
Efforts to address online child sexual abuse by government, civil society, tech companies
and corporates.
Learnings and best practices for a safer internet environment for children
Primary data collection
1) Adolescents (13-19 years)
Quantitative survey
Digital access and use
• Access to digital tools/devices
• Nature and extent of usage of digital devices
• Access to and use of different social media platforms
• Reasons and purpose of use of internet.
Awareness/ perceptions on OCSEA
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• Awareness, understanding of online child sexual abuse
• Perceptions on OCSEA – risks, its impact
• Awareness on issues of online safety, responsible internet use, available
platform, existing laws, and regulations.
• Sources of information related to OCSEA
Experiences of OCSEA
• Experiences of online harassment/exploitation/abuse
Platform/space where they experienced the incident
Response/redressal if any
• Help-seeking behaviour
Quantitative survey
The qualitative interactions were built on the areas of enquiries listed for the
quantitative survey, and further details on the following were obtained:
• Digital access and use – differences in access and usage across different
demographic groups
• Perceptions on OCSEA – understanding of OCSEA, what is considered
offending/harmful/ troubling/distressing and why; perceived risks of online
engagement; impact of OCSEA on children and adolescents; differences in
perceptions across different groups
• Understanding of different systems/redressal mechanisms for OCSEA and
their functioning; sources of information on the same
• Experiences of OCSEA among adolescents/peer groups; how are these
addressed; types of support groups available – support from parents and
teachers
• Recommendations on child friendly cyber safety mechanisms.
2) Parents/ Guardians and Teachers
Quantitative survey
• Awareness on the internet/social media platforms, their use
• Perceptions on OCSEA – what it is, risks, impact on children and adolescents
• Awareness on regulatory/redressal mechanisms
• Experiences of managing OCSEA, if any; redressal mechanisms used
Qualitative interactions
Digital access and use among children and adolescents –
Awareness and perceptions on extent of use of internet/social media by
children and adolescents
• Perceptions on risks of internet use
Role of parents/teachers in children’s digital access/use and its
regulation
Understanding and perceptions on OCSEA –
What they understand by OCSEA
What they consider exploitation and abuse
OCSEA – regulation and redressal
Understanding and perceptions on laws and regulations for online
abuse, specifically for children
Knowledge and understanding of redressal forums, support platforms
and other mechanisms to address online sexual abuse
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Awareness and access to tools/platforms/resources – online and
offline; awareness on SnehAI
• Experience of managing any incidents of OCSEA – experience of reporting
cases/accessing support
• Role in supporting adolescents who have experienced OCSEA
Role parents and teachers should play – how they should support
the adolescent
• Role in enabling safe online behaviour
Understanding/perceptions of their role and responsibilities in
ensuring a safe digital experience for children and adolescents
Efforts made to keep children safe online
Role of schools in online safety for children
Recommendations for how can online sexual abuse can best be
tackled at different levels
3) takeholders working on child protection issues (cyber security specialist,
tech corporates, civil society organisations working on child protection and
safeguarding)
Qualitative interactions
• Extent of internet and social media usage by children and adolescents
• Understanding and scale of online child sexual abuse in India - the key risks
and issues
• Ways to recognise online child sexual abuse
• Factors responsible for OCSEA
• Current efforts to address OCSEA
• Key gaps and challenges in the current efforts made at different levels
• Existing support mechanisms, their effectiveness, gaps and challenges
• Efforts of their own organisations, their impact and key learnings
• Recommendations on efforts needed to address the gaps and challenges
going forward
• Areas of strategic engagement with different stakeholders – the
government, education systems such as schools, parents and guardians,
tech companies and corporates
2.3 Study methodology
A cross-sectional mixed method study design was adopted, with secondary and primary methods of
data collection.
Secondary data collection - desk review
An internet-based search using Google and other open-source databases was undertaken. Studies and
journal articles, media articles and grey literature were included in the secondary review. A combina-
tion of key words and phrases were used. While the focus of the review was on India, literature from
the global context was also reviewed, to inform the recommendations. The articles/studies and liter-
ature gathered were classified into thematic areas – internet penetration and digital use, OCSEA and
how it is defined, nature and extent of OCSEA experiences, policy, and programme actions to address
OCSEA and recommendations. The information in each of these thematic areas was synthesised and
has been presented in Section 1 of this report.
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Primary data collection
The primary data collection further added to the secondary review, to seek more nuanced insights
and perspectives from adolescents, their parents/guardians, teachers and other stakeholders.
The primary data collection included:
• A quantitative survey with adolescent boys and girls, their parents, and teachers; and
• Qualitative interactions with the same respondent groups, and other stakeholders working on
child protection issues
Respondent groups
The respondent groups for the study included:
• Adolescent boys and girls – 13 to 19 years of age
• Parents of adolescent boys and girls
• Teachers (in government and private schools in the study states)
• Other stakeholders working on issues of child protection, including cyber security specialist, tech
corporates, civil society organisations working on child protection and safeguarding
Method of Data Collection
For data gathering, the study used a convergent parallel design using a mixed methods approach. Data
was collected both qualitatively and quantitatively at the same time. The data was gathered from 4
states - Bihar, Delhi, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh (UP).
Quantitative data collection
The respondents for the quantitative survey were chosen across rural, urban, and peri-urban regions,
with a sample size powered at 80% and a confidence interval of 95% at the region level.
To determine the sample size for a cross-sectional study that is powered at 80%, we used the following
formula:
N
=
Z2(p*q)
d2
Where Z is the z-score of CI at 95% (1.96), p is the prevalence of OCSEA, q is (1-p), and d=(1-power)*p .
A systematic literature review of 55 studies conducted on child sexual abuse in India estimated that
between 4% and 41% of girls and 10% and 55% of boys in school and college experienced child sexual
abuse. Assuming prevalence rates to be between 35%-40% for adolescents, the proposed sample size
for each region (rural, urban, peri-urban) was 250 respondents. In other words, for each region, a total
250 completed surveys were needed.
Regarding the adolescents, only those who provided assent and whose parents/guardian provided
consent were recruited for the quantitative data collection. The sample for parents and teachers was
purposive, to enable their insights. The details of the sample for the quantitative survey are given in
Table 2.1.
26Choudhry, V., Dayal, R., Pillai, D., Kalokhe, A. S., Beier, K., & Patel, V. (2018). Child sexual abuse in India: A systematic review. PloS one, 13(10),
e0205086. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0205086
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Table 2.1: Sample for quantitative data collection
27
Sample selection
A stratified multi-stage random sampling strategy was used, with the primary sampling unit (PSU)
being the district. 2 districts were selected randomly in each state. Within each district 2-3 blocks
were randomly selected. Within each block, a random number of villages/wards were selected,
and a randomly selected number of households were surveyed from each ward/village. The
stratification was done at urban, rural, and peri-urban settings, such that a total of 15 blocks
were selected, representing each stratum. All households in the neighbourhood were screened to
identify the respondents, and only households with adolescents (between the ages of 13-19) were
surveyed. Within each household, 1 adolescent was randomly selected to administer the survey.
Parents were surveyed from the same households where adolescents were surveyed (see Table
1-3 in Annexure 2 for details of districts where the survey was undertaken).
PSU - district
Random
sample 2
districts in
each state
Seconary
Sampling Unit
(SSU) - Blocks
Random
sample 2-3
blocks per
distict (15
blocks in total)
Tertiary
sampling Unit
(TSU)- Villages/
Wards
Random
selection of 10
villages/wards
per block
USU-
Adolescents,
Parents and
Teachers
6 adolescents
in rural, peri-
urban and urban
settings; and 2
parents and 2
teachers in each
setting.
Qualitative Data Collection
Qualitative data was collected from all three respondent groups. The number of adolescents’ quali-
tative interactions included an equal number of boys and girls and an equal division between urban,
peri-urban, and rural areas. Details of respondents for qualitative interactions conducted are given in
Table 2.2.
27Data for all samples completed has been reported in the subsequent sections
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Table 2.2: Sample for qualitative data collection
28
Sample Selection
PSUs randomly selected for quantitative data collection were also used for qualitative data
collection. Within the selected PSUs for each state, purposive sampling was used to recruit
adolescents, parents/guardians and teachers.
Support of local organisations in each the states was sought, in addition to snowballing, to recruit
respondents for the qualitative data collection. Regarding the adolescents, only those who provided
assent and whose parents/guardians provided consent were recruited for qualitative interactions.
Parents and teachers and other stakeholders working on child protection issues were selected
purposively.
2.4 Brief overview of the execution of the study
The inception meeting and inception report ensured a common understanding of the study
objectives, areas of inquiry, methodology, timelines, deliverables and execution plan. The inception
meeting helped in understanding the purpose of the study and the expectations of PFI. Persons for
communication, from PFI and Development Solutions (DS), were identified; and the study timeline
and next steps were discussed.
The desk review provided a context to the study and enabled the drafting of the tools for the study.
The study tools were shared with PFI for feedback, following which, they were translated to Hindi
and pre-tested. Qualitative tools developed and outlined the key questions and pointers for the
researchers to probe further. The quantitative tool was scripted in SurveyCTO for data collection.
Qualitative interactions were recorded, when feasible, with consent from the respondents.
Prior to data collection, an ethics approval for the study was sought from the DS IRB. Following
an initial presentation, changes to the study protocol were made, based on suggestions of the IRB
members, and then final approval was granted.
284 case studies were developed using details from the IDIs.
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The team for data collection was identified based on their experience with similar work and
felicity with the language and understanding of local contexts. An effort was made to ensure a
predominantly gender-balanced team.
A two-day training programme was developed for the quantitative data collection. As two batches
had to be trained, it took a total of 4 days. The training was focused on providing a study overview,
familiarisation with study tools and data collection platform (SurveyCTO), and ethical protocols.
For the qualitative researchers, one-day virtual training was conducted, which, in addition to the
aspects mentioned above, was focused on documentation of the interactions. The final selection of
the team was made based on the post-training evaluation by the core team involved in undertaking
this study.
A detailed field execution plan was developed, to guide the process of data collection. A team
of four supervisors (one in each state) and 16 team members (4 in each state) collected the
quantitative data in about 22 days. The data collection was supervised by the field coordinator and
project team at DS. Qualitative researchers and note-takers were engaged in the qualitative data
collection, which was completed in 10 days. Interactions with ‘other’ stakeholders at a national
level were led by the DS core team .
Data quality was ensured through high-frequency checks (HFCs), back-checks, and spot-checks
to detect programming errors, surveyor errors, data fabrication, and other issues during data
collection. The supervisors returned to 20% of respondents (adolescents and parents) to confirm
that the field investigators visited them and re-asked specific questions to compare with the
original responses. The supervisors also performed spot-checks during data collection. The DS
core team undertook daily debrief calls with the field team members in each state, to understand
and address any challenges. Feedback based on the HFCs, and back-checks were also provided.
Cleaned and anonymised quantitative data was used for analysis. An analysis and tabulation
plan were developed. The data was analysed using STATA 17. Detailed notes/transcripts from
the qualitative interactions and from the semi-structured interactions were entered in content
matrices and the qualitative data was thematically analysed.
Insights from the quantitative survey, qualitative interviews and desk review were triangulated for
this report.
2.5 Challenges and limitations
Some of the challenges faced during data collection and the limitations of the study include:
Hesitancy among respondents in: a) sharing details on experiences of exposure to sexual
content or online sexual abuse; and b) answering sensitive questions. Researchers and
enumerators spent time at the beginning of the interactions in building rapport, which made
the respondents comfortable.
Given the sensitive nature of the study, there were challenges in parents providing consent.
Due to the above-mentioned challenges, data collection took longer than expected.
During qualitative interactions, researchers observed that most respondents reported details
of incidents of abused faced by their friends/peers, rather than any personal experiences. It
is likely that even if they faced incidents themselves, they chose to present it as experiences
of friends/ peers. The few respondents who did share details, asked the researchers not to
mention the same to anyone; stating that they would rather forget about the incidents, than
share it with anyone.
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Respondent mobilisation for qualitative interactions in Delhi was challenging. Despite significant
time and effort, garnering support from local organisations was challenging. Consequently, the
qualitative interactions in Delhi were restricted to locations primarily where local mobilisation
support was possible. These locations did not necessarily overlap with the quantitative survey
areas.
Scheduling interactions with ‘other stakeholders’ was also challenging. There was significant
non-response from tech/cyber security specialists. The two proposed interactions with this
group were not completed. Interactions with NGOs and tech companies also took much longer
than anticipated.
To overcome the challenges of hesitance among respondents, researchers spent time initially
during the interactions to build rapport to make respondents comfortable. Respondents were
encouraged to share whatever information possible, and they were comfortable with. They were
assured of their right to refusal and to stop the interaction whenever they felt so. Support of local
organizations was sought to mobilize respondents for qualitative interactions, where feasible.
Support of the team at PFI was sought to enable interactions with NGOs and tech companies.  
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Section 3: Respondent demographics, digital use
and interactions
This section begins by providing an overview of the respondent demographic details. It then goes
on to detail the digital and internet access among the adolescent respondents of the study. It
outlines how adolescents use the internet. It also highlights parents’ and teachers’ perspectives on
the digital and internet use among adolescents.
3.1 Respondent demographics
Demographic details – adolescent respondents
A total 822 adolescent respondents were surveyed. Of these, 33% each (269 respondents) belonged
to peri-urban and rural locations. 34% adolescent respondents belonged to urban locations (Table
3.1.2, Annexure 1). 213 (26%) adolescent respondents hailed from Bihar, 120 (15%) from Delhi, 224
(27%) from Rajasthan and 265 (32%) from Uttar Pradesh (Table 3.1.1. Annexure 1).
Of the total adolescent respondents, 51% were boys and 49% girls (Table 3.1.4, Annexure 1). 95%
of respondents were Hindus and 5% Muslims (Table 3.1.5, Annexure 1). 58% of the respondents
reported to belong to the ‘Other Backward Classes’ (OBC). The proportion of OBCs was the highest
in rural locations, reported by 65% rural adolescents, as compared to 57% in peri-urban locations
and 52% in urban locations. 23% belonged to Scheduled Castes (SC), 14% to the general castes and
6% of respondents belonged to Scheduled Tribes (ST) (Table 3.1.6, Annexure 1).
The average age of adolescent respondents was 16 years. 27% of respondents were 13-14 years
of age; 37% 15-16 years of age; and 36% 17-19 years of age. A similar age distribution was noted
among the boy and girl respondents; and across settlement types – rural, peri-urban and urban
(Table 3.1.3., Annexure 1).
3% of adolescent respondents were married. The proportion was similar for both genders and
across settlement types (Table 3.1.11., Annexure 1). The average age of married boys was 17 years,
and that of married girls was 17 years (Table 3.1.12, Annexure 1).
Educational and occupation details – adolescent respondents
94% of respondents – 95% boys and 93% girls – reported to be currently studying. 96% of respondents
in urban locations reported to be currently studying, as compared to 93% in peri-urban and 92%
in rural locations (Figure 3.1). A greater gender divide, in those currently studying, was noted in
peri-urban locations as compared to rural and urban locations. In peri-urban locations, 96% boys
were currently studying, as compared to 91% girls. This difference between boys and girls currently
studying was only 2% in urban and rural locations (Figure 3.2).
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Among those currently studying, 20% respondents (22% boys and 18% girls) were in middle school
(Classes 6-8); 49% respondents (41% boys and 39% girls) were in secondary school (Classes 9-10)
and 28% respondents (26% boys and 30% girls) were higher secondary school (Classes 11-12). 12%
respondents were also pursuing college graduation. A slightly higher proportion of respondents in
peri-urban and urban locations (71% and 70% respectively) were in secondary and higher secondary
school, as compared to those in rural location (63%). A higher proportion of rural respondents were
in middle school (25%, as compared to 19% and 16% in peri-urban and urban locations) (Table 3.1.8,
Annexure 1). Thus, despite a similar age distribution, a higher proportion of respondents in rural
locations were studying in lower classes, as compared to their peri-urban and urban counterparts.
Among the 6% respondents currently not studying, 47% had completed up to secondary school
and 12% up to higher secondary school. A higher proportion of girl respondents (17% of 30) had
completed higher secondary school, as compared to their boy counterparts (5% of 19) (Table 3.1.9,
Annexure 1). Among those currently not studying, 4% reported to be preparing for jobs and 12% (of
49 - all boys) were employed either full time or part time (Table 3.1.10, Annexure 1).
Demographic details – parents of adolescents
Of the 219 parents surveyed, 27% each were from Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, 25% from Bihar
and 21% from Delhi (Table 3.1.13, Annexure 1). 30% parents surveyed were from rural locations,
32% from peri-urban locations and 38% from urban locations (Table 3.1.14, Annexure 1). 57%
parent respondents were females and 43% males. 54% parent respondents were mothers of the
adolescents surveyed, 36% were fathers and 9% guardians (Tables 3.1.16 and 3.1.15, Annexure 1).
As with the adolescents, 95% parents reported to be Hindus and 5% Muslims (Table 3.1.17, Annexure
1). A slightly lower proportion of parents (54%), as compared to the adolescents reported to belong
to OBC; and a slightly higher proportion reported belonging to general castes (17%) and SC (24%). A
similar proportion of parents and adolescents reported to belong to the ST category (Table 3.1.18,
Annexure 1).
Educational and occupation details – parents of adolescents
21% of the parents had never attended school; 30% females, as compared to 9% males. 23%
reported to have completed middle school, 18% secondary school and 10% higher secondary
school. A higher proportion of male parents had completed secondary and higher secondary
school, as compared to female parents. Comparing across settlement types, the highest proportion
of parents who had not attended school was in peri-urban locations (26%), followed by rural (22%)
and then urban locations (15%). Higher proportion of parents in urban (37%) and peri-urban (27%)
locations had completed secondary and higher secondary school as compared to rural locations
(17%) (Table 3.1.19, Annexure 1). Thus, it appears that parents in urban locations had a better
educational status, as compared to those in peri-urban and rural locations.
46% of respondents (80% of females) were home makers. The highest proportion of home makers
was in urban locations (63%), followed by rural (37%) and then peri-urban locations (34%). A
majority of males (60%), more so in rural and peri-urban locations, were agricultural labourers
or cultivators. In peri-urban and urban locations, 13% of parents were engaged in businesses/
shops, or were salaried employees in Government and private organisations. 13% of parents in
peri-urban locations, 8% in rural locations and 6% in urban locations were engaged as skilled and
unskilled labour (Table 3.1.20, Annexure 1). Parents (more so females) in urban locations, despite
having better education, were primarily home makers.
Demographic and education details – teachers
Of the 45 teachers surveyed, 71% were male and 29% female. 15 teachers each were surveyed
from rural, peri-urban, and urban locations (Tables 3.1.23 and 3.1.22, Annexure 1). 71% of the
teachers had B.Ed. degrees, followed by 16% who reported to have completed their post-graduate
education (Table 3.1.25, Annexure 1). 47% of the teachers had been teaching in the government
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schools for 1-5 years, 38% for 5-10 years and 13% for more than 10 years (Table 3.1.26, Annexure
1). 73% taught Classes 6-8, 24% taught Classes 9-10 and 2% taught Classes 11 and 12 (Table 3.1.27,
Annexure 1).
The profile of respondents interviewed qualitatively, was similar to the respondents surveyed.
Having understood the respondent demographic, the next few sub-sections outline adolescents’
access to digital devices and the internet; their use of the internet; and parental supervision.
Perspectives of the parents and teachers on the same is also outlined.
3.2 Access to digital devices
Studying the patterns of device access helps gain insights on the access and use of the internet,
which in turn will determine the exposure to OCSEA among adolescents.
Of the total adolescent respondents 51% reported to owing a mobile phone – 64% boys and 37%
girls (Figure 3.3). A slightly higher proportion of respondents in urban (55%) and peri-urban (52%)
locations reported to ownership of a mobile phone, as compared to those in rural locations (45%).
The gender gap in ownership of mobile phone was the lower in urban locations (23%) as compared
to rural and peri-urban locations (28%) (Table 3.2.1, Annexure 1). Among those who did not own a
mobile phone, all respondents had shared access with parents, friends, or other family members.
A higher proportion of girl respondents reported to sharing a mobile phone (63%) as compared to
their boy counterparts (37%) (Tables 3.2.1, Annexure 1).
N = 822. Male = 418. Female = 404
A very small proportion of adolescent respondents reported to owning a laptop. (Figure 3.3). The
adolescent respondents unanimously preferred to use the phone to access the internet (reported
by 98% adolescents, see table 3.2.2, Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions as well, adolescents and parents reported that more boys tend
to own mobile phones, as compared to girls. In one instance in Uttar Pradesh, a boy reported
dropping out of school for a few days to undertake manual labour so he could buy a smart phone.
Parents, recognising the threat posed by the internet, preferred it if their girls did not use the
phone and internet. They felt that girls’ using the internet would expose them to unnecessary
online conversations, information and possible harassment. Hence, they restricted girls’ access to
the internet, by not allowing them to own mobile devices. The girls instead accessed the internet
on shared devices.
“Our son has his mobile phone and only he uses the internet. The daughter does not use the internet.” – A
parent, Delhi
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“The camera gets switched on at times without the person knowing it, and then everybody can see youon
the internet. Girls should be careful while using phones” – A parent, Rajasthan
An increase in phone use following the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown was reported. Parents
had to give their phones to their children to access online classes. Some adolescents who did
not use the phone prior to the pandemic, had to learn and use the same for online classes. The
increase in phone and internet use post-COVID-19 and increased social media consumption, has
also been widely reported in secondary literature and other surveys (see Section 1 of the report).
“I have been using phone so much more after COVID. Before that, I hardly had any knowledge of how to
operate a phone” – An Adolescent Girl, Delhi
Teachers corroborated that while both girls and boys had access to digital devices and the internet,
girls usually had ‘restricted access’ and limited ownership of devices, as compared to boys.
3.3 Internet access and use
All (100%) adolescent respondents had access to the internet (Table 3.3.1, Annexure 1). 91% of the
respondents (92% boys and 90% girls) reported last using the internet on the day or the day just
before the survey. A slightly higher proportion of respondents in urban locations (93%) reported
accessing the internet on the day and the day preceding the survey, as compared to those in
peri-urban (91%) and rural locations (88%) (Table 3.3.2, Annexure 1). Comparing across age groups,
a significantly higher proportion of adolescents, more than 15 years old, reported to using the
internet on the day of the survey (83%) as compared to those 13-15 years of age (65%). However,
a higher proportion of those 13- 15 years of age reported using the internet on the day preceding
the survey and in the last week (Table 3.3.15, Annexure 1).
Three-fourth (76%) of the adolescent respondents used the internet on all seven days of the week.
79% of the boys as compared to 73% of the girls used the internet on all seven days of the week. A
slightly higher proportion of urban respondents (80%) reported using the internet on all seven days
as compared to those in peri-urban (78%) and rural locations (69%) (see Figure 3.4). Only 65% of
adolescent girls in rural locations accessed the internet on all seven days as compared to 76% and
78% of adolescent girls in peri-urban and rural locations respectively (Table 3.3.3, Annexure 1). On
an average, adolescents more than 15 years reported using the internet for 6.3 days a week, while
those under 15 years used the internet for an average 5.8 days a week (Table 3.3.16, Annexure 1).
33% of adolescents used the internet for 1-2 hours a day, 21% for 2-3 hours and 10% for 3-4 hours,
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each day. 25% of adolescents used the internet for less than one hour and 12% used it for more
than four hours a day. 74% of girl respondents reported using the internet for less two hours, a
day. Whereas among boys nearly 70% reported using the internet for more than hour, for up to
four hours in a day. (Tables 3.3.4, Annexure 1). Thus, access to the internet among adolescent
boys appear to be higher than girls – with a greater proportion having ownership to phones,
accessing the internet on all seven days and using the internet for a greater number of hours
each day.
Across age groups, all respondents who reported using the internet for more than 8 hours a day
were more than 15 years. A higher proportion of respondents in this age group also used the
internet for 2-8 hours a day, as compared to those who were13-15 years. Among respondents
who used the internet for less than one hour a day, 60% were 13-15 years (Table 3.3.17, Annexure
1). Thus, adolescents older than 15 years of age, used the internet more than their younger
counterparts
Across settlements, a slightly higher weekly and daily usage of the internet was reported in
urban locations as compared to peri-urban and rural locations (Tables 3.3.4, Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions, adolescents reported mostly using the internet and phone during
the day; more so those who shared access. Among those who owned phones, reported using it at
night to view social media sites and entertainment videos.
All parents reported that their wards accessed the internet. Majority parents (81%) said that their
wards accessed the internet on all seven days of the week. A higher proportion of parents in
urban and peri-urban locations (83% each) reported their wards accessed the internet on all seven
days of the week, as compared to those in rural locations (75%) (Table 3.3.6, Annexure 1). This
corroborates with the weekly internet usage reported by adolescents.
As with adolescents, 72% parents (77% males and 68% females) reported their wards used the
internet for more than one hour, for up to four hours a day. The daily average internet use among
adolescents, reported by the parents was 3.02 hours. A higher proportion of parents in urban
locations reported their wards to be using the internet for more than four hours in a day (Table
3.3.7, Annexure 1). Thus, parents appear to be aware of the extent of internet usage by their
adolescent wards.
Among teachers, only 29% reported that their students accessed the internet in schools (Table
3.3.8, Annexure 1). During qualitative interactions, teachers reported that most schools had a no
tolerance policy, and that internet access was available only to teachers and faculty members. In
peri-urban and urban contexts despite the no-mobile policy, students sometimes accessed their
phones in the schools. As with parents, teachers said that there was an increase in mobile phone
use during the COVID-19 pandemic, where phones and the internet had to be used for education.
“Mobiles are not allowed in our school. The mobile was used only during the Corona period because at
that time there was a gap in the education of the children, so to cover that, the mobile was used in the
school by the teachers and the students. Use of mobile phones in school premises is absolutely prohibited.
During the smart classes in the school, only the internet is used by the control room authorities” –
Teacher, Rajasthan.
“We have a strict no phone policy in school, but despite this, students do bring it. If we get to know a
student has their mobile in class with them, we immediately take the phone away and request them to
collect it after school”- Teacher, Uttar Pradesh
Purpose of internet usage
Nearly all the adolescent respondents (98%) reported using the internet to access social media
platforms. This was reported by boys and girls alike. 79% reported using the internet for educational/
learning purposes or to do school assignments (81% boys and 77% girls). Other popular uses of the
internet were - to download music, play games, for instant messaging and to meet people or make
friends (see Table 3.1).
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Table 3.1: Use of the internet, as reported by adolescents
As can be seen from Table 3.1, a greater proportion of boys reported using the internet to play
games, for instant messaging, to access websites and chat rooms, and to make friends/meet
people as compared to the girls.
Comparing across settlements, a higher proportion of adolescent respondents living in urban
settlements reported using the internet for educational purposes, to download music, visit
websites and for instant messaging. A similar proportion of respondents in urban and peri-urban
locations used the internet to play games; this proportion was lower in rural locations (Figure 3.5,
Table 3.3.9, Annexure 1).
Figure 3.5: Proportion adolescents using the internet for
90
80
70
61
57
60
47
50
78 75 82
82
75 71
40
30
20
10
0
Instant messaginEdgucation/learning/scho... To download music
48
52
35
Websites
30
29
23
28
9
57
53
46
Email
Chat
rooms
To
make
people/make...
Peri-urban(%) Rural(%) Urban (%)
N= 822. Urban = 284. Peri-Urban = 269. Rural = 269.
Comparing across age groups, a statistically higher proportion of adolescents over 15 years of age,
used the internet to access websites, email, chatrooms, to download music, for online journalling
and blogs, to access social media and to make friends (Tables 3.3.18.1-11, Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions as well, adolescents reported using the internet for education, to
chat with friends through WhatsApp, to watch videos and for entertainment through social media.
While adolescents appear to use the internet in multiple ways, the predominant uses of the
internet were to access social media for entertainment, for education and instant messaging.
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77% of adolescents also used the internet to communicate with people – friends, family, or
those they met online (Table 3.3.10, Annexure 1). Of this group, nearly 90% of adolescents
communicated with persons who were their own age and family that they knew and often met.
68% communicated with persons of their age, but did not meet them often; 72% communicated
with family they did not often meet; and 62% communicated with people they personally knew.
71% of adolescents reported communicating with people they met online through friends and
family, 14% communicated with those met through dating apps and 27% communicated with
those they did not know in person (Table 3.2). Thus, in addition to communicating with family
and friends, a significant proportion of adolescents also communicated online with persons
they did not know well. The study by the Internet Watch Foundation also indicates that nearly
40% of respondents reported to accepting friend requests from second degree contacts and even
absolute strangers (see Section 1 of the report).
Table 3.2: People adolescents communicated with by using the internet
84% of parents (87% in urban locations, 85% in rural locations and 80% in peri-urban locations) were
aware of the purpose for which their wards used the internet. Of these, 75% reported their wards
using the internet for education (79% urban, 80% peri-urban, 64% rural). 74% parents believed
that their wards used the internet to access social media platforms (87% rural, 77% peri-urban and
63% urban), 60% reported them downloading music, 55% reported them playing games, 34% using
instant messaging; and only 9% believed that their wards used the internet to meet people and
make friends (Table 3.3.12, Annexure 1). These proportions were much lower than those reported
by their adolescent wards (Figure 3.6). While parents appeared to be aware of the extent of
internet use among their adolescent wards, and of the common uses of the internet – such as
for education and to access social media; they seemed to be much less aware of the extent to
which the adolescents used the internet to meet new people or visit chat rooms or for instant
messaging.
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Among teachers who were aware of the purpose of internet use by students, 87% (of 39) reported
internet to be used by students for education, followed by 79% who said that it was used to
access social media platforms. 77% reported adolescents playing games on the internet, 62% to
download music and 44% for instant messaging. As with parents, teachers appeared to be aware
of the common/ predominant uses of the internet by adolescents. During qualitative interactions,
teachers felt that owing to COVID, the use of phones for education was now inevitable; however,
that the primary interest of adolescents and young persons was to use social media, make reels
and videos to be uploaded on Instagram and TikTok, to play games and chat with friends.
“According to me, Class 11th-12th students might be watching study related videos on internet but not
very willingly. Most of their time would on internet would be spent on watching movies, playing games,
listening to songs, watching song videos, chatting with friends on WhatsApp, Instagram, and Facebook”
– Teacher, Bihar
“For studying, children mostly make use of YouTube. During COVID, WhatsApp groups were formed for
students to share homework and other notices. Also, online classes were scheduled, which students used
to join. Children use WhatsApp to chat with their friends and Instagram for their entertainment purpose.
They use TikTok, Facebook, Instagram, Moj apps to make reels, short videos and upload them online” –
Teacher, Rajasthan
Digital platforms used
The most popular social media platforms used by adolescents were YouTube and WhatsApp (Table
3.3). These two platforms were reported to be the most common across settlement types and
among boys and girls too. This was followed by Facebook and then Instagram. Instagram was
more popular among urban adolescents as compared to their rural and peri-urban counterparts. A
similar trend was seen in use of Twitter and other OTT platforms with urban adolescents reporting
a higher usage, as compared to peri-urban and rural adolescents. This social media preference
reported, appears to be different from the India survey on patterns of internet use by youth (2020),
where Instagram was reported as the top social media choice. It is likely that with majority girl
respondents having shared access to phones, personal accounts on platforms such as Facebook and
Instagram were limited. This was reported by the adolescent girls during qualitative interactions.
They reported using social media platforms through their parents or siblings accounts.
“My mother and father both have an account on Facebook but not me. I sometimes watch stories on
FB uploaded by other people. I do not have any account on social media apps.” – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
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Table 3.3: Social media usage, as reported by adolescents
In addition to the above-mentioned platforms, during qualitative interactions, rural adolescent
respondents reported to using the Diksha App for education during COVID-19. Urban adolescents
reported using Unacademy and Utkarsh Apps.
As can be seen from Figure 3.7, most parents were aware of the social media platforms that
their wards were accessing.
Figure 3.6: Comparative analysis of the digital platforms used, as reported
by parents and their adolescent wards
Parents Adolescents
Facebook INSTAGRAM WHATSAPP YOUTUBEO EOTT
SNAPCHAT LINKEDIN
PLATFORMS
N=182 – Parents who were aware of the purpose for which their wards used the internet, and their
adolescent wards
Teachers reported their students used YouTube and WhatsApp, followed by Facebook and
Instagram.
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Interactions with representatives of CSOs highlight the explosion of phone and internet access
in the last two years, owing to COVID-19. The representatives felt that while there was a digital
divide, with those in urban locations having greater access, the divide had reduced significantly
due to COVID-19. During the lockdown, many parents were forced to buy phones and ensure
internet access for their adolescent wards to pursue education. The primary difference in
rural-urban access was that in rural locations, there was shared access to devices, more so
among girls. Other than for educational purposes, the uses of the phone and internet reported
by CSO representatives included social media use (Facebook, Instagram, TikTok), watching
entertainment videos and playing video games.
3.4 Parental supervision
63% of adolescents – 70% of girls and 57% of boys – reported that their internet use was supervised
by their parents or an adult. A higher proportion of urban adolescents (67%) reported that their
internet use was supervised, as compared to those in peri-urban (62%) and rural locations (60%).
Adult/parental supervision was reported highest by urban girls at 76% (Table 3.4.1, Annexure 1).
The most common methods used for monitoring included – checking devices to supervise internet
activity – reported by 85% of adolescents (91% of boys and 80% of girls). This method was most
reported by rural adolescents (88%) followed by peri-urban and urban adolescents (84% each).
Other methods included rules limiting hours and purpose of internet use. A greater proportion of
girl respondents reported these rules, as compared to boys (Table 3.4). It appears that, as with
the ownership of devices and internet access, the parental supervision was also gendered.
Adolescent girls appeared to be subject to more rules; while with boys, the monitoring usually
involved checking of devices.
Parents corroborated this during qualitative interactions. They highlighted that given the greater
risk of adolescent girls being exposed to unwanted materials and persons, it was better to monitor
their use than face challenges and societal embarrassment later. A mother from Bihar said that
whenever her daughters asked for the phone to study, she stayed in the same place and ensured
that they did not open anything other than the educational videos and materials. One of the
adolescent girls from Delhi also stated that it was better for parents to check the phone, as doubts
often led to phone access being taken away and even preparation for early marriage.
“...I think it is fine to check young children’s phones and monitor their internet usage once in a while by
the parents. It is necessary because if parents have the slightest doubt on the child and if he/she does
not permit them to check their phone, the doubt escalates and sometimes results in early marriage
preparation by the parents. So, it is better that they check the phones and let the child study further.” –
Adolescent Girl, Delhi
A greater proportion of respondents in urban locations reported the use of software to monitor
internet activities – including software monitoring online access, spam mails, pop-up ads, sexually
explicit content, chat rooms and those that limit the time spent online (Table 3.4).
Table 3.4: Methods of parental supervision, as reported by adolescents
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Among parents, 74% reported that they monitored their wards’ internet activities. As also reported
by adolescents, a higher proportion of parents, in urban locations, monitored their wards’ internet
activities, as compared to those in peri-urban and rural locations. Similar methods of monitoring –
including checking device and rules limited hours and use of the internet were reported by parents.
A greater proportion of parents in urban locations reported using software to monitor internet
activities (Table 3.4.5, Annexure 1).
An analysis of the responses of the 162 (74%) parents who reported monitoring their wards’
internet activities, and their wards responses on parental supervision indicates that only 114
adolescents (of the 162) reported their internet activities to be supervised. In other words, nearly
30% of adolescents of this group were unaware that their internet activities were being monitored.
Some differences in the methods of monitoring were also noted. A lower number of adolescents,
as compared to their parents, reported the use of software, and checking of devices. This could
indicate parents monitoring adolescent’s internet activities without them being aware (Figure 3.8).
Figure 3.6: Comparative supervision of internt activities - as reported by
parents and adolescents (in absolute numbers)
Parents Adolescents
Software That
monitors
online access
Software that
block spam
mail and pop-
up ads
Rules Limiting
Number of
hours of
internet use
Rules limiting
purpose of
internet use
checking device
to supervise
internet
activity
Parent N = 162. Adolescent N = 114
Qualitative interactions with adolescents, suggest that while they found parental monitoring
irritating and hassling at times, they felt it was necessary. The monitoring, they felt, ensured that
the child was protected from harm and risks of the internet. Several respondents who shared
phones with their siblings, also reported to checking the phones thoroughly, to ensure that their
siblings were not watching inappropriate content or did not reveal personal information.
“We should have to monitor what our younger siblings are watching on the internet because there are a
lot of notifications coming up on the internet, and if they get clicked then some inappropriate material,
which contains sexual content or romantic scenes, are displayed. And they develop their interest in such
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things and then feel like searching for them again and again” – Adolescent Boy, UP
Adolescents were also scolded by their parents for excessive internet and phone use. Some parents
stopped children from using their phones and the internet after excessive gaming.
“My mother is not educated so if I am reading something on WhatsApp, she will doubt me and ask my
elder sister to check what I am doing- this becomes irritating at times” – Adolescent Boy, Delhi
“Initially my mother used to permit me to use the phone and internet, but when she saw that I am spend-
ing a lot of time on PubG, she forbade me” – Adolescent Boy, Bihar
A few adolescents reported that their parents did not supervise their internet use. Parents, on
the other hand, felt that for those working, it was challenging to work fulltime as well as monitor
children’s internet use.
“No, our parents never monitor what we are watching on the internet. They do not understand much
about mobile phones and the internet. But my parents always ask – what we are watching? So, I say that
I am watching things related to my studies or I am talking to my friends” – Adolescent Boy, Rajasthan
“The parents are working hard to support their children. During lockdown all of us worked hard to be
able to afford a smart phone. Now when a child asks for phone to study, nobody knows what they are
doing. How much a mother can do? It becomes very tough”– Mother, UP
The need to monitor adolescents’ internet use was reported by nearly all parents with whom
qualitative interactions were undertaken. Though the parents trusted their children, they outlined
risks being exposed to obscene pictures or videos, fake information, or even just excessive screen
time, which could be harmful to their health. Most said that they made the effort to view and
monitor adolescents’ phone use. One mother in Bihar went to the extent of saying that she ensured
that her son, daughter-in-law, and daughters gave her their phones at night to prevent misuse of
the internet.
“Children should be monitored with the internet to prevent viewing of any obscene pictures or videos
such as fake information being circulated about everything” Mother, Delhi
“There are always risks that must be taken care of. Children need to be guided so that they don’t look up
unnecessary things and use internet only for important information relevant for their education. There
are so many inappropriate websites on the internet, which need to be avoided by the children” – Father,
Rajasthan
Teachers felt that the primary responsibility of supervision was that of the parents. During school
hours, there was limited monitoring done in schools, which included surprise bag checks to ensure
that students did not have phones. If phones were found; or it was seen that students were using
the internet in schools, the parents were informed.
3.5 Internet first usage and importance
79% adolescent respondents first started using the internet between the ages of 11-15. The mean
age for first using the internet was 14 years. No differences across gender and settlement types
in age at first usage were noted (Table 3.5.1, Annexure 1). 79% adolescents had begun using the
internet for the first time in the last three years, and 31% in the last two years. This corroborates
the increase in internet usage, owing to the COVID-19 pandemic.
78% parents also reported that their wards first started using the internet between 11-15 years of
age. A higher proportion of parents in urban and peri-urban locations reported this age group, as
compared to those in rural location. 20% of parents from rural locations reported that their wards
first started using the internet at 16-17 years of age (Table 3.5.2, Annexure 1).
When asked about their views on the importance of the internet, 79% of adolescent respondents
reported the internet to be important or extremely important for them (Table 3.5.3, Annexure 1).
76% of parents said that they trusted their wards to be responsible or completely responsible in
using the internet. A higher proportion of parents in rural locations trusted their wards to be
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responsible or completely responsible in using the internet (Table 3.5.4, Annexure 1). 62% teachers
trusted their students to be responsible or completely responsible in using the internet (Table
3.5.5, Annexure 1).
Key takeaways
Access to the mobile phone and internet was universal. A higher proportion of
adolescent boys owned personal mobile phones, as compared to girls. Those who
did not own phones had shared access.
A majority of adolescents used the phone on all seven days of the week, and on
an average for 2-4 hours a day. A greater proportion of adolescent boys used the
internet on all seven days of the week, and for more hours each day. Thus, access
to phones and the internet is gendered.
The weekly and daily use of the internet was also slightly higher in urban locations,
as compared to peri-urban and rural locations.
The most popular use of the internet, by adolescents, was to access social media
platforms. Other uses included education and learning, downloading music,
playing games, instant messaging and to meet people.
Adolescents used the internet to communicate with known persons; however
nearly 30% communicated with strangers/people they did not know; and 70%
communicated with second degree contracts.
Parents were aware of the extent of internet use among their adolescent wards
and the common uses of the internet - such as for education and to access social
media. However, they appeared to be much less aware of the extent to which
the adolescents used the internet to meet new people or visit chat rooms or for
instant messaging.
YouTube and WhatsApp were the most popular social media platforms among
adolescents, followed by Facebook and Instagram. Instagram and Twitter were
more popular among urban adolescents.
63% of adolescents and 74% of parents reported parental supervision/monitoring
of phone and internet use by adolescents. Checking of phones and devices was
the most popular method of monitoring.
As with the ownership of devices and internet access, the parental supervision
was also gendered. Adolescent girls appeared to be subject to more rules; while
with boys, the monitoring usually involved checking of devices. Parents articulated
several risks of internet use, more so for girls, making the case for monitoring and
stricter rules for girls.
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Section 4: Internet risk perception and awareness
of OCSEA
This section begins by exploring the perception of the respondent group on the risks and threats
posed by internet use. It goes on to outlining their perception and awareness of OCSEA, and the
available laws and redressal mechanisms to address OCSEA.
4.1 Internet risk perception
85% of adolescents believed that using the internet and social media posed a threat to privacy
and security. This perception of threat was higher among urban adolescents (91%) as compared to
those in peri-urban (81%) and rural locations (82%) (Table 4.1.1, Annexure 1). Echoing the views of
the adolescents, 88% of parents and 93% of teachers believed that the internet and social media
was a threat to the privacy and security of young persons (Tables 4.1.2 and 4.1.3, Annexure 1).
When asked about their opinion on sharing personal information on digital platforms, adolescents,
and parents alike, felt that sharing personal information on romantic/dating websites, chat rooms,
and gaming websites was riskier than on educational platforms and shopping websites. A greater
proportion of parents, as compared to adolescents, felt that sharing personal information on social
media platforms and gaming websites/Apps was unsafe (Table 4.1).
Table 4.1. Percentage of respondents who felt it was unsafe to share personal information on digital
platforms
A higher proportion of adolescent girls (55%) as compared to boys (27%), felt that it was unsafe
to share personal information on social media websites. The same was the case with gaming
websites. On the other hand, a higher proportion of adolescent boys felt it was unsafe to share
personal information on chatrooms (59%) and romantic/dating websites and apps (70%), as
compared to their girl counterparts (48% chatrooms and 59% dating websites/apps) (Table 4.1.4.1-
4.1.4.6., Annexure 1). It is likely that with more adolescent boys personally owning phones, their
ability to access chatrooms and dating websites may be higher, and hence may have a greater risk
perception.
Teachers reported that gaming and dating websites were the most unsafe to share personal
information (82% each), followed by chatrooms and social media websites.
Thus, the common perception across all respondent groups appears to be that dating and
gaming websites/apps, chat rooms were the most unsafe, followed by social media platforms.
Online shopping and educational platforms were seen as safer.
During qualitative interactions, respondents – adolescents, parents and teachers alike, primarily
highlighted the risks of exposure to sexual content. Respondents felt that with increased access to
the internet, exposure to sexual, X-rated, and inappropriate content was inevitable. Adolescents
had varying perspectives on exposure to sexual content. Some felt that watching such content was
wrong and could lead to data leaks, affect education and concentration, and lead young people
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astray. Girls particularly reported that if they were caught viewing such content, their phone
and internet access could be terminated. They also highlighted that if girls shared personal
information or photographs with boys, their lives could be significantly affected if the boys’ posted
the photographs online. Hence, they highlighted the importance for girls to practice safe online
behaviour. Adolescent boys highlighted that often boys watched such content out of curiosity;
and that watching sexual content should be acceptable for those above 18 years of age or suitably
mature boys. Several adolescents mentioned that watching sexual/X-rated content even once
could make them susceptible to getting such content in the future too.
Adolescents highlighted incidents where, while using phones under parental
supervision, pop-ups and adds, with sexually explicit content had come up. The
parents had seen that and asked them to ignore it. None of them reported to have
been caught viewing sexual content. However, a boy reported that his friend had
been caught by his father while watching sexually explicit (pornographic) content,
while another mentioned that his uncle had been caught by his mother. In both
cases, they had been scolded and their phones taken away.
“If any advertisement or links pop-up randomly on a mobile screen and we click on it and watch it by
mistake; then if our family members noticing us watching this, they think that we do not study by using
the internet. We are only watching such adult content on the internet. Then they get the wrong idea
about us. This is a big risk” – Adolescent Girl, UP
The gender differences in ‘what is considered an online risk’ or risk perceptions was highlighted by
adolescent girls and boys. Nearly all adolescents highlighted that it was more acceptable for boys
and married persons to watch sexual content, as compared to girls. Girls watching such content
could not only impact the girls (as highlighted above), but also lead to embarrassment and shame
for the family.
“Single girls can get penalised if they are caught watching sexual content. For boys on the other hand, it
is seen as acceptable. At the most, they might be scolded” – Adolescent Boy, UP.
Parents expressed concern on the risks that the excessive internet exposure placed on their wards.
Other than exposure to sexual/obscene content, the risks of wrong/misguided information and
fake news were highlighted by parents. Some went on to say that using the internet posed physical
and mental risks for children. Concerns on online sexual harassment were also raised. Parents
reiterated the views of the adolescents, that the risks of online use were more for girls than boys.
“My daughter was chatting with her male classmate. This created some issues and problems in our
family” – Parent, Delhi
“Girls should be given a phone once they reach home and not before that. Access to internet and phone
can lead to bad things as well. While boys can be given access to a phone anytime- they go out, so they
need it to work and talk to people” – Parent, Bihar
Teachers felt that looking at sexual content online, did pose risks; but adolescents were curious
about sex-related content and that it would be difficult to prevent them from viewing it. There was
a perception that such content was seen more by those who lived by themselves or in hostels. In
rural community settings, it was more challenging to get the privacy to view such content. Some
teachers expressed concerns regarding addiction to sexual content could impact the mindset and
future of adolescents. They highlighted the risk that once exposed to such content, (a) adolescents
could actively seek it out; and (b) it could appear on their online feed.
“In society, if a girl or boy is caught watching some sexually explicit material or performing some sexual
act, the girl is blamed much more than the boy. Boys still get some discount because of their gender. It
is unacceptable but such norms exist in society” – Teacher, Bihar
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While highlighting the risks, teachers pointed out that it was acceptable and important for
adolescents to watch videos on sex education. They felt that often sex education videos were also
seen as ‘bad’ content by parents and families, limiting adolescents’ access to such information.
Civil society respondents said that viewing of sexually explicit/pornographic content was common
among adolescents and young persons. Despite the government ban on pornographic websites,
respondents believed that content was easily available through social media and Google search,
putting adolescents at risk. One of the respondents felt that with the government having banned
the big websites, the pornographic content now available was more violent, giving adolescents a
false sense of what could be seen as ‘appropriate’. She went on to say that one of young persons in
their field area said that ‘without slapping, sex was incomplete’. Another respondent highlighted a
similar situation, where an adolescent girl felt that it was appropriate for a boy to see her ‘boobs’,
as long as her face was not visible in the picture. With the rapid increase in internet access, the
ability of parents to ensure that risks were mitigated was difficult. She narrated another incident,
where a girl’s phone was closely monitored by her mother; however, the girl installed a few apps
to chat with boys from across the world. When the conversations were over, she would uninstall
the apps, so her mother did not know; and install them again, when needed. The need for greater
understanding among young persons on what is ’appropriate and safe’ and what could be risky,
was highlighted.
Other online risks mentioned included phishing, hacking, catfishing, and misuse of content posted
on social media. Some of the adolescent girls mentioned that they filtered/screened unknown
callers to ensure safety and avoid any risks.
Additionally, teachers expressed concerns regarding addiction to the internet and gaming, which
affected the mental health of adolescents. They also mentioned exposure to violence through
videos and gaming, as risks.
“There are several risks such as - One of our students who used to excel in class during his primary
schooling, has now lost interest in studying due to this distraction caused by the internet and mobile
phone. Children get so sucked into it that they start ignoring their studies. All of them play various video
games on their phones, which have a lot of violence in them. This makes them aggressive and anti-social
as children. Further nowadays, children think that playing games on the mobile is equivalent to going
out and playing with friends; this affects their physical health too”– Teacher, Bihar.
Teachers also corroborated the differences on how online risks were perceived for boys and girls,
subjecting girls to greater monitoring and limiting their access. CSO respondents echoed these
views by stating that there was a protectionist attitude when it came to girls accessing phones and
the internet; hence the common perception was that girls were more at risk than boys.
4.2 Understanding of OCSEA
83% of adolescents, 75% of parents and 93% of teachers reported that children/adolescents could
be sexually abused or exploited online. A higher proportion of adolescents in urban locations (89%)
reported the possibility of online sexual abuse, as compared to those in peri-urban (81%) and rural
locations (79%). A similar trend is noted among parents, where 80% of urban parents reported
the possibility of online sexual abuse, as compared to 73% of peri-urban and 71% of rural parents
(Tables 4.2.1, 4.2.2 and 4.2.3, Annexure 1).
Among adolescents who believed that children/adolescents could be sexually abused or exploited
online, nearly 90% or more reported OCSEA to constitute– financial fraud, rumours about sexual
behaviours, being asked to share or shown sexually explicit content, having sexually-oriented
discussions, and receiving messages with advertisements or links to X-rated content. A slightly
higher proportion of adolescent boys, as compared to girls, and those living in urban locations
reported each of these aspects (Table 4.2.4, Annexure 1). 79% and 48% of adolescents respectively,
felt that people making jokes online and visiting or viewing pornographic content was also OCSEA
(Table 4.2).
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Table 4.2. What OCSEA constitutes – as reported by adolescents
Given the definition of OCSEA for this study - “unwanted sexual conduct on any digital platform.
It includes a wide range of behaviours that use technology to share digital content such as
images, videos, posts, messages, pages, etc.”. All options in Table 4.2, highlighted in green could
be considered OCSEA. It appears that a majority of adolescents understood what OCSEA
constitutes. However, they also considered other aspects – such as financial fraud, making
jokes and posting rude views online as OCSEA. There is hence a need for clear information to
be imparted to adolescents on what OCSEA is, and how it can be prevented?
Comparing across groups, on an average, respondents above 15 years of age were able to correctly
identify/classify 5.4 instances as OCSEA, as compared to 4.9, among adolescents in 13-15 years
group (Table 4.2.7, Annexure). Thus, those above 15 years of age were more aware on what
constitutes OCSEA.
Among parents and teachers, 90% or more in each respondent group felt that all the listed aspects,
except for people making jokes online and visiting/viewing pornographic content online, was
OCSEA. All (100%) teachers reported that being shown or shared sexually explicit images/videos
with, without permission, and posting rude posts online constituted OCSEA. 98% of teachers also
felt that people making jokes online was OCSEA (Table 4.3). As with adolescents, both parents and
teachers appear to understand OCSEA but need more clarity on the differentiation between
online sexual abuse and general online abuse.
Table 4.3. What OCSEA constitutes – as reported by parents and teachers
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Interactions with CSO representatives reflect a varied understanding and articulation of OCSEA.
One of the respondents said that child pornography is OCSEA, another said that if a child or ado-
lescent is talking to someone over the internet and the conversation made them uncomfortable,
or if sexually explicit content was shared, that would be OCSEA. The third felt that consensual
conversations, even if sexually explicit should not be considered OCSEA; and another said that the
definition of OCSEA would depend on the laws and rules of the country. As mentioned in Section
1 of this report, there is a need for a standard definition of OCSEA and what it constitutes, specific
to the Indian context.
4.3 Awareness of laws and redressal mechanisms for OCSEA
Only 39% of adolescents and 45% of parents reported that there were laws or rules in India to
prevent online sexual abuse and exploitation. Only 33% of rural adolescents reported to be aware
of such laws, as compared to 41% and 42% of peri-urban and urban adolescents respectively. A
similar trend was noted among parents with urban parents being the most aware of the availability
of laws (Tables 4.3.1 and 4.3.2, Annexure 1).
Among adolescents who were aware that there were laws/rules to prevent online sexual abuse
and exploitation, 44% could not name any law or rules. Others named the JJ Act, Indian Penal
Code, POCSO (2012) and the IT Act, in decreasing proportions respectively (Table 4.3.3, Annexure
1). Among parents, 36% could not name any laws or rules. The others reported to be aware of the
Indian Penal Code, the POCSO, the JJ Act and the IT Act (Table 4.3.4, Annexure 1).
A much higher proportion of teachers – 87% reported that there were laws or rules in India to
prevent online sexual abuse and exploitation. Of this group (39 of 45), 82% reported the POCSO
Act, 72% the Indian Penal Code, 62% the JJ Act and 51% the IT Act as the available laws and rules to
prevent online sexual abuse and exploitation (Table 4.3.6, Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions as well, adolescents and parents reported they were unaware of
any laws or rules to address online sexual abuse. Teachers reported they were aware of the POCSO
Act.
Teachers thus appear to be more aware of the laws and rules to prevent online sexual abuse
and exploitation. There is need for greater awareness among adolescents and their parents.
93% of adolescents, 95% of parents and 100% of teachers were aware that a police complaint could
be filed if someone is sexually exploited online. A higher proportion of urban adolescents and
parents were aware of this (Tables 4.3.7, 4.3.8 and 4.3.9, Annexure 1).
Specifically for sexual abuse among children and adolescents, 65% of adolescents, 67% of parents
and 91% of teachers had heard of online platforms or helplines where sexual abuse among children
and adolescents could be reported (Tables 4.3.10, 4.3.11 and 4.3.12, Annexure 1). Of those who had
heard of online platforms/helplines for reporting, the most popular was the police station – cyber
cell, followed by the 1098 ChildLine helpline. A greater proportion of teachers were aware of more
helplines for OCSEA, as compared to adolescents and their parents (Table 4.4).
Table 4.4 Different respondents’ awareness on online platforms/helplines where OCSEA can be reported
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Among adolescents who were aware of helplines, a greater proportion of boys reported that
they were aware of the ChildLine (58%) as compared to girls (42%). A higher proportion of urban
adolescents and parents were aware of NGO complaint cells, the IWF- Aarambh reporting portal,
the Government online crime reporting portal and the CCPWC (Cyber Crime Prevention against
Women and Children) as compared to their peri-urban and rural counterparts (Tables 4.3.13,
Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions, in addition to police complaints, adolescents mentioned that if
they came across sexually explicit content, it could be reported to the social media platform (such
as Instagram). In the urban locations, adolescents had heard of NGOs, who could support those
who had faced any incidents of OCSEA.
“Since I watch reels on Instagram, I know that if any reel with adult content is displayed then we can
report them to Instagram as there is an option to report” – Adolescent Girl, Rajasthan
“I am not aware, but one Google search can inform us about all the places where these matters can be
reported. I am aware that we can report to police and cybercrime cell. I have heard the name of Cyber
Crime Prevention Against Women and Children’ (CCPWC) and POCSO e-box. I don’t know the name of the
NGOs, but I know that such NGOs work in India to support the cause” – Adolescent Boy, Bihar
Parents reported that their awareness of the police, cybercrime cell and helplines came from
newspapers, posters of the ChildLine helpline number; and one parent reported to getting
information from the TV show crime patrol.
Teachers said that in case of any incidents related to OCSEA, they could be reported to the police
and that helpdesks had been set up at police stations. They also reported that helpdesks of social
media platforms and NGOs were operational. Sexual offences could be reported to the 1098/
ChildLine helpline; or on the emergency number 112. In UP, teachers reported to the 1090 women’s
helpline number for stalking and abuse. Teachers stated that the sexual crimes could be registered
under the POCSO Act, or with the district/state and national commissions for protection of child
rights. Other than newspapers and TV news, teachers in UP said they had received a book and
undergone a training on online sexual abuse and cyber security.
Awareness on the helplines for OCSEA were limited largely to the police cybercrime cell and
the ChildLine. The sources of information on the helplines for parents and teachers were
largely newspapers and TV. The need for more structured information to adolescents, parents,
and teachers on the available online platforms/helplines and how OCSEA can be reported, is
indicated.
4.4 Information and education on OCSEA
Having understood the respondents’ internet risk perceptions and their awareness on various as-
pects of OCSEA, including redressal; this sub-section seeks to outline the sources of information
for adolescents on online safety and OCSEA.
Parents are an important source of information for adolescents, and they also supervise and
monitor their internet use. 53% of adolescents informed that their parents had spoken to them on
one or more aspects of online safety/responsible online behaviour (Table 4.5).
Nearly 50% of adolescents said that their parents had spoken to them about the risks of giving out
personal information on the internet, 40% about chatting with strangers on the internet and 27%
about responding to offensive messages. A higher proportion of boys reported that their parents
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had spoken to them on giving out personal information, chatting with strangers, and responding
to offensive messages.
A much lower proportion of adolescents reported that their parents had spoken to them on
responding to sexually explicit/X-rated content or talking about personal things like sex. 15% or
fewer parents spoke to their wards about responding to sexually explicit content, talking about
personal matters like sex and dealing with X-rated pop-ups. A greater proportion of female parents
(mothers) are said to have spoken to their wards about these aspects. It is likely that mothers’
conversations with their daughters on these aspects, which is also reflected in a greater proportion
of adolescent girls having reported a parent having spoken to them on this. Given the perceptions
of parents that girls are more at risk to online sexual abuse and harassment, this is to be expected.
62% parents had spoken to their wards about online safety/responsible online behaviour. A
majority had spoken about giving out personal information (59%) and chatting with strangers
(46%). A higher proportion of urban adolescents reported that their parents had spoken to them
on various aspects of online safety/responsible online behaviour (Table 4.5; Table 4.4.2, Annexure
1).
Table 4.5 Parents having spoken about online safety/responsible online behaviour – as reported by
adolescents
During qualitative interactions, parents highlighted the importance of speaking to adolescents
on online abuse and harassment. Parents, more in peri-urban and urban locations, had spoken
to their children about dealing with sexually explicit content, pop-up ads, sharing of personal
information, online safety and talking to strangers online. In urban locations, one of the parents
had also spoken about good touch, bad touch, pregnancy, and contraception with his children.
Some of the parents had highlighted that it was important that information was given, but also
that the children obey the parents, so they do not fall prey to sexual harassment.
“Yes, it is important. If we will not talk about these topics to children, then they will think it is alright and
they will do it. If we talk about these things, they will have in mind that my father has forbidden me from
doing it, so they may not do it” – Parent, Delhi
Among teachers, 82% had spoken to their students on online safety – 76% on giving out personal
information, 66% on chatting with strangers, 60% on responding to offensive messages, 44% on
responding to sexually explicit content, 31% on dealing with X-rated pop-ups/messages and 29% on
talking about personal things like sex (Table 4.4.3, Annexure 1). A greater proportion of teachers,
as compared to parents had spoken to their students on online safety. . In qualitative interactions,
teachers highlighted the importance of talking to adolescents on issues of online safety. While
there was no guidance on online safety in the curriculum, most said that they had spoken to their
students during classes on online safety and not revealing personal information online. One
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teacher reported that the school principal had directed him to take sessions on digital literacy and
online safety. Another mentioned that online safety is sometimes discussed during the prayer
hour in the school.
67% of teachers had shared that the schools provided training sessions/ information on OCSEA,
in the quantitative survey. This, however, was mentioned only by one teacher in the qualitative
interactions, who stated that the school conducted training sessions on safe online behaviour, use
and misuse of the internet, cyber security, and child protection policies for children above 14 years
of age. As mentioned earlier, efforts in schools were more sporadic sessions or conversations by
teachers on online safety. None of the teachers, during qualitative interactions, reported that any
student had asked them for information on OCSEA.
Not many adolescents referred to teachers and schools as sources of information on OCSEA. Only
36% of adolescents (39% boys and 33% girls) said they had received a training or information
from schools on online sexual exploitation and abuse. A significantly higher proportion of urban
adolescents (50%) reported this as compared to those in peri-urban (30%) and rural locations (28%)
(Table 4.4.4, Annexure 1). Only 17% parents reported that their wards had received any training or
information on OCSEA from schools.
“No, neither our schoolteacher has ever told us anything about this; nor has there been any training
arranged in our school about cybercrime and cyber security” – Adolescent Boy, Rajasthan
Sources of information on OCSEA, other than parents and schools, as reported by adolescents
included – friends and siblings (60%), internet/Google (48%), books and magazines (33%), and
social media platforms (28%). A greater proportion of adolescent girls relied on friends and
siblings, books, and magazines for information; while more boys reported the internet/Google
and social media platforms as sources of information. 14% adolescents reported no sources of
information on OCSEA or responsible online behaviour (Table 4.4.5, Annexure 1). Parents and
teachers reported similar sources of information for adolescents on OCSEA (Tables 4.4.6 and 4.4.7,
Annexure 1). Teachers believed that parents and families were the best source of information for
adolescents on online safety and especially on online sexual harassment and abuse. They believed
that mothers could talk to their daughters on this and fathers’ to their sons. One teacher suggested
that IT experts and professionals could be invited to schools to share information on OCSEA with
the adolescents.
54% of adolescents above 15 years of age and 46% 13-15 years of age said they had received
information/education/training on OCSEA from parents or schools. This difference, however, is not
statistically significant (Table 4.4.13, Annexure 1). On an average, adolescents who had received
information/education/training on OCSEA were able to correctly identify 5.4 instances of OCSEA.
Those who did not receive any education correctly identified, on an average, 4.8 instances of OCSEA.
This difference is statistically significant (Table 4.2.7, Annexure 1). Thus, the data indicates that
education/information provision to adolescents leads to better identification and understanding
of OCSEA.
3% of adolescent respondents – 6% girls (0% boys), 5% in urban locations and 3% in peri-urban
locations (0% in rural locations) had heard of the SnehAI App (Table 4.4.8, Annexure 1). 7% parents
(13% in urban locations and 6% in rural locations) and 33% teachers had also heard of this App
(Tables 4.4.9 and 4.4.10, Annexure 1).
Parents and teachers had spoken to adolescents on safe/responsible online behaviour.
Adolescents corroborated that they had received information from parents. However, a lower
proportion of parents and teachers had spoken on issues of dealing with sexually explicit
content, X-rated pop-ups/messages and talking about personal matters like sex. Among those
who had spoken on these issues, the information appeared to be directed more at adolescent
girls. Other sources of information for adolescents on OCSEA included friends and family, the
internet, and social media platforms.
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Key takeaways
Dating and gaming websites/apps, chat rooms were seen as the most unsafe,
followed by social media platforms. Online shopping and educational platforms
were seen as safer.
Exposure of adolescents to sexual content was seen as a significant risk. This was
more so for adolescent girls than boys.
Most adolescents understood OCSEA. However, they also considered other
aspects – such as financial fraud, making jokes and posting rude views online,
as OCSEA. As with adolescents, both parents and teachers understood OCSEA;
but needed more clarity on the differentiation between online sexual abuse and
general online abuse.
Awareness of laws and rules to prevent online sexual abuse was limited. Teachers
were more aware than adolescents and their parents.
Awareness on the helplines for OCSEA were limited largely to the police cybercrime
cell and the ChildLine. The sources of information on the helplines for parents and
teachers were newspapers and TV.
Parents and teachers had spoken to adolescents on safe/responsible online
behaviour. However, conversations on dealing with sexually explicit/X-rated
content, or talking about personal matters such as sex was limited.
For adolescents, sources of information on OCSEA were largely the internet,
social media platforms, friends, and family. While teachers reported speaking
to students on online safety; adolescents did not see schools and teachers as a
source of information.
It is also interesting to note that despite parents and teachers speaking to
adolescents on various aspects of online safety, including chatting with strangers
(and adolescents reporting that parents had spoken to them on chatting with
strangers), a significant proportion communicated with strangers and second-
degree contacts online (as seen in Section 3).
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Section 5: Experiences of OCSEA
This section presents the experiences of online sexual abuse/exploitation among adolescents. It
will discuss the prevalence of OCSEA; the redressal mechanisms and methods of addressing OCSEA
by adolescents; and the way forward, in preventing and addressing OCSEA in the future.
5.1 Experiences of OCSEA
In the quantitative survey, 15% of adolescents (19% boys and 12% girls) reported to have faced
at least one of the seven situations related to online sexual abuse or exploitation. 17% of urban
adolescents, 16% in peri-urban locations and 12% in rural locations, had faced at least one of
the situations. It would thus appear that a higher proportion of urban and peri-urban boys had
faced one or more incidents related to OCSEA (Table 5.1). Comparing across age groups, among
those who faced at least one OCSEA incident, 67% adolescents above 15 years of age had faced an
incident, as compared to 33% in the 13-15 age category (Table 5.1.6, Annexure 1). As seen in the
earlier section, adolescents above 15 years of age were more aware of OCSEA, and hence more
likely to have reported the same as well.
Table 5.1: Incidents related to OCSEA faced by adolescent respondents
A close review of Table 5.1 indicates that the most common incident reported was ‘coming across
sexually explicit content when surfing the internet’. As seen in the earlier sections of this report,
given that adolescent boys have greater access to the phone and internet, it is plausible that they
are more exposed to such incidents. Similarly, those above 15 years of age have a greater access
to the internet and reported facing more OCSEA incidents.
This was followed by receiving emails or messages with ads/links to sexually explicit content. This
again was reported by a slightly higher proportion of adolescent boys. 3% of adolescents received
sexually explicit content from known or unknown persons. A slightly higher proportion of girls
reported someone online talking to them about sex when they did not want to; and being
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threatened or embarrassed by someone posting or sending messages about them to other persons
(Table 5.1).
Assessing the association between parental supervision and facing OCSEA; of the respondents
who faced at least one instance of OCSEA, 48% reported being supervised by parents/adults. On
the other hand, among those who did not face any incidents OCSEA, 66% were supervised by
parents/adults. Thus, a greater parental supervision, is associated with adolescents reporting lower
incidents of OCSEA. This association is statistically significant (p=0.001; Table 5.1.7, Annexure 1).
While a positive association is seen in the case of parental supervision, the same is not the case
between having received education/training on OCSEA and facing incidents of OCSEA. No significant
association is noted between having faced an instance of OCSEA and having received education/
training on the same (Table 5.1.8, Annexure 1).
During qualitative interactions, nearly all adolescents acknowledged that their friends, or persons
of their age group, watched sexually explicit content, more so boys than girls; hence they were at
the risk of exposure to one or more forms of OCSEA.
“Yes, most of the adolescents use the internet to watch sexual content. The main reason is there are a lot
of changes in the body at this age, like hormonal changes, and all are sexually active in this age. That’s
why they do it, even when they don’t want to do it” – Adolescent Boy, UP
Some of the incidents related to OCSEA, faced by adolescents and their peers are presented as follows.
Incident type
When doing an
online search or
surfing the web,
you found yourself
in a website that
showed pictures
of naked people or
people having sex
Incidents reported
As with the quantitative survey, this was the most common type of
incident reported during qualitative interactions – videos, links, and
ads to sexually explicit content came up while adolescents browsed
the web, Google searched or watched videos/content on YouTube,
Facebook, and Instagram or on gaming websites.
“When searching for biology educational videos, some wrong
videos and content come up”
“When playing video games, especially on third party browsers
(lower publicity games) and apps, such ads or photos come up”
“Once when doing a Google voice search, some inappropriate
content came up”
One girl from Rajasthan, working in a factory part-time, shared
the phone with a colleague. After that, whenever she searched
for or saw videos, sexually explicit content came up.
“I take phone to watch education related video but within an hour, I start
to feel like watching some song videos or serials. During that time only,
some inappropriate videos also come up, so I watch it. Sometimes, it
has also happened on Facebook, but I ignore it on FB” – Adolescent Girl,
Bihar
“I am a student of Biology, so sometimes I do some subject matter search
and something else comes up, sometimes my parents see that. They feel
this is wrong. Parents do not stop me from using the internet but then
they scold me and do not allow me extended use. This happened in
YouTube.” – Adolescent Girl, Delhi
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Messages and links
shared though
WhatsApp
Adolescents, more so girls reported receiving messages and links
with sexually explicit content from known and unknown contacts,
even peers and cousins. WhatsApp groups created by schools during
COVID-19, were an opportunity for boys to gain access to phone
numbers of girls; through which, a few shared sexually explicit
X-rated contents.
“There were some boys in the school WhatsApp group, who had sent
a sexual content video in the school group. That WhatsApp group was
connected to my father’s mobile because I used to use his phone. So, my
father saw that video. After that, he complained about it to a teacher.
Sir removed those boys from the group. And Sir changed the settings so
that only the admin can send the messages in that WhatsApp group” –
Adolescent Girl, Rajasthan
“School groups are formed on WhatsApp. So, obviously the number is
shared with people present in the groups. It has happened once or twice
that I got messages and calls from some boys. Once I was added to some
group randomly and even very dirty pictures were shared in the group by
some person” – Adolescent Girl, Delhi
One girl reported receiving a pornographic/blue film from her
cousin. “My cousin shared a video on WhatsApp and told me to watch it,
because it’s a good video. I opened the video, and it was a blue film. So, I
deleted the video and blocked him on WhatsApp. Unknown persons have
never shared any such thing with me” – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
A adolescent girl from Bihar narrated an incident where she and her
friend had gone to a cybercafé to create an email id for her friend.
The person at the cybercafé copied her friend’s phone number
and then called her and shared inappropriate/dirty messages and
sexually explicit content on her WhatsApp.
Adolescent girls also reported getting such content on their Facebook
and Instagram accounts. One adolescent boy from Bihar reported
that his friend was in a WhatsApp group where sexually explicit
content was shared on a regular basis.
Being threatened
with nude images
One adolescent girl reported an incident where she was threatened
by an acquaintance who sent her a nude image claiming it was ‘her’.
The image did not have a head. He blackmailed her saying that he
would share the pictures on the internet. The respondent called the
1090 helpline number and filed a complaint.
A adolescent boy in Delhi said that his female friend was blackmailed
by someone who sent some inappropriate pictures of her. Her
photos were then shared on the internet. She and her brother later
filed a police complaint, and the police caught the culprit.
A adolescent girl from Delhi shared that her friend was contacted by
a male on the internet who told that he has inappropriate images of
her and if she did not share more such images, then he would show
those images to her family members.
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Being contacted
to perform
sexual acts/do
inappropriate
things
Someone online
talked to you about
sex when you didn’t
want to
Adolescents felt that girls were more targeted (than boys) to send,
receive and share sexually explicit content.
A adolescent boy in Rajasthan mentioned that his friend was
contacted by a group of men to perform sexual acts.
A girl was asked to wear lighter and transparent clothes in an
Insta-gram message
Other girls said that they had received solicitous messages on
WhatsApp and Instagram
A adolescent girl stated that she was contacted by an unknown
person via video calls. He shared some inappropriate videos with her
despite her messaging him to stop.
“Once an unknown person made video calls to me. He shared some
inappropriate videos with me. I messaged him and said – ‘Brother,
who are you? Why are you sending all this stuff with me? Please don’t
send me such things and don’t call me’”- Adolescent Girl, Rajasthan
Another adolescent girl shared an incident, where from multiple
numbers someone sent her messages and voice notes saying that he
loved her on WhatsApp. She also received video calls from two of the
numbers. She sought help of her uncle who blocked all the numbers.
Case 1: A adolescent girl being blackmailed by a male abuser
Location: Khushi Nagar, Uttar Pradesh
This incident was narrated by an 18-year-old girl from a village in in Khushi Nagar, Uttar Pradesh.
The respondent was studying in Class 12. Her father was a general physician employed with the
government of Uttar Pradesh and posted away from the family.
A friend of the respondent had befriended two boys online and was chatting with both. The
respondent advised her friend not to chat with both boys, as that would be seen as ‘cheating’.
She particularly advised her to stop talking to one of boys who later became the ‘blackmailer’ and
‘abuser’.
The abuser overheard this conversation over the phone (when the respondent was talking to her
friend) and yelled at the respondent. He tried to contact the respondent after this incident too. The
respondent, however, had blocked the abuser from all platforms except on the ‘home phone’, which
was with the respondent’s father. The abuser created a fake profile on Instagram and threatened
to have private pictures of the respondent. He tried to blackmail her into becoming his girlfriend;
said that otherwise he would leak her private pictures. He also sent her a headless nude image of a
woman stating that these were her pictures and that he would leak them.
The respondent warned him that she was not scared of his false threats. However, she was worried
about him calling on the home number, which her father had. The respondent told the abuser that
she would report him to the police if he did not stop. The abuser was not bothered by the threats
and in turn said that he would make a mockery of her image in society.
After two days of blackmail, the respondent called the 1090 women’s helpline number in UP and
reported the incident. She was asked to send screenshots and phone recordings. Two days after she
made the report, the abuser reached out to the respondent and apologised. He requested her to
take back the complaint, as he was worried that it would affect his sister’s wedding.
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Case 2: A adolescent girl being harassed by a male abuser
Location: Bhagalpur, Bihar
A 19-year-old girl from Bhagalpur, Bihar shared an incident that happened to her friend. Her friend
(victim) was subject to harassment by a male abuser and sexually explicit content was shared with
her without her consent.
The respondent and her friend (victim) visited a cybercafé to create an e-mail account. While
entering her phone number to create the account, a boy (abuser) at the café’ copied her phone
number. He started sending her inappropriate (sexually explicit) messages on WhatsApp. He would
randomly call the victim at odd hours and even turned up outside her house several times. This
incident frightened the victim and made her extremely anxious. She was too scared to reach out
to her family, as they would discontinue her education and marry her off. She felt trapped and
helpless. She shared information about the incident only with her friends (one of whom was the
respondent). She did not contact anyone in the police, as she did not want her parents to know
about the incident.
The respondent said that adolescents wished to seek support without their family knowing about
anything. Families usually suppressed the situation to prevent any public knowledge of the incident.
She went on to say that girls were also scared of reaching out their families, as they would be
blamed. She hopes that in the future, parents would stand up for their daughters’ rights and help
them seek justice. She was not aware of any laws/regulations on OCSEA, and other than reporting
to the police. She was not aware of any other way in which the victim’s situation could be addressed.
“Because of the way society functions, young girls are looked down upon and never supported. People in
society always consider girls to be at fault. They say: ‘Oh, if such a message has come, this must be the
girl’s fault, or ‘she shared the number herself and that is why this is happening’. They would never think
that some other person could fraudulently extract the number. And then they would taunt the girl and the
family. That’s why girls as well as the family members keep these matters secret and simply try to marry
the girl off.” – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
How adolescents felt about the incidents
None of the adolescent boys expressed any feelings about these incidents of OCSEA. It was primarily
the girls, who expressed the following emotions/ feelings.
Angry
Scared
Upset
Ashamed
Concerned-
about family
reactions
Frustrated
Uncomfortable
Irritated
Fearful
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“Yes, it has happened like this many times, that I am studying or searching for some school-related
materials and this kind of webpage with sexual content opens. I remove it quickly before anyone sees it.
I feel very scared. If Mummy/Papa see it, they will think I have done something wrong” –Adolescent Girl,
Rajasthan
“I didn’t react as such by looking at those ads. I just removed them because if someone else around me
sees it, it will not give a good impression. On WhatsApp, when I saw those images, I immediately told my
mother. I didn’t even open the videos, I went straight to my mother” – Adolescent Girl, Delhi
As mentioned earlier in the report, girls, especially those with shared access, were subject to more
rules and monitoring by parents. There was also a perception that girls were more vulnerable
and exposed to risks of online sexual exposure than boys. They also lacked information and faced
greater punitive action from families, as compared to boys. This is reflected in the feelings of the
adolescent girls – where in addition to them feeling angry, scared, and irritated with the content
and perpetrators; they were also scared of their parents and families and how they would react.
Among parents, only 3% (of 218) reported their wards to have faced at least one incident related to
OCSEA. 6% of wards of the same parents reported that they had faced at least one incident (Table
5.1.2, Annexure 1).
A denial that their wards/children faced incidents of OCSEA was noted among parents in qualitative
interactions as well. While they acknowledged that online sexual harassment was a concern and
prevalent issue, most parents said that their children had faced no incidents of online abuse. Few
said that it was likely that their wards may have seen a few sexually explicit pop-ups/ads. etc. Few
shared that the wards might be hesitant in sharing even if they did come across such content.
Only one parent reported that her daughter had received some sexually explicit content from
an unknown sender. She asked her daughter to block the number. However, the predominant
perspective was their wards did not face any issues online.
“No. My children have not reported anything like this. Such ads might be coming because when I use
phone, I see such ads, so my children might also be seeing them, but I know they do not open it or use
it intentionally. We have also advised our children if something inappropriate comes up on the mobile,
block it or simply cross it” - Parent, UP
Teachers reported not knowing much about incidents of OCSEA. Only one teacher highlighted an
incident where a girl student’s phone was hacked, and her personal information misused.
The qualitative interactions appear to suggest that several adolescents and their peers had
faced incidents of OCSEA. In the quantitative survey, only 15% reported to have faced any
incidents. It is likely that the respondents may have been hesitant to share information in a
shortened timeframe and format. A significant denial and lack of acknowledgement among
parents is also noted.
Platforms where adolescents faced incidents related to OCSEA
Table 5.2: Platforms on which adolescents faced incidents related to OCSEA – reported by adolescents
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Among those who had faced at least one OCSEA related incident, 55% faced it on Facebook, followed
by YouTube, WhatsApp and then other social media and OTT platforms. While a higher proportion
of adolescent boys faced OCSEA incidents on Facebook, a higher proportion of girls faced them on
most other platforms (Table 5.2).
Among parents (7 of 219) who reported that their wards had faced incidents related to OCSEA, 5
reported YouTube as the platform where their wards had faced the incident (Table 5.1.4, Annexure
1).
5.2 Managing incidents of OCSEA
Among adolescents who had faced at least one OCSEA related incident, 64% (80% boys and 38%
girls) reported to have deleted or blocked the person/source. 25% changed their privacy/contact
settings. 17% respondents (30% girls) did not do anything, only 3% spoke to a trusted adult/peer
and just 5% reported the incident to a service provider. A higher proportion of adolescents in
urban locations reported not doing anything and just changing their privacy settings (Table 5.3).
Similar perspectives were shared by adolescent respondents during qualitative interactions. The
most common way of managing any incidents related to OCSEA was to block the person and
content; or leave any WhatsApp group where such content was shared.
Table 5.3: Actions taken to address incidents related to OCSEA, as reported by adolescents
Most adolescents feared reporting any incidents. They mostly feared their parents’ reactions and
the implications that it might have on their future internet use, their education and life. Reporting
any incidents related to OCSEA was seen as a source of shame and embarrassment for girls and
their families.
“Children will talk to parents only if they listen to them and understand their perspective. Telling parents
creates so many problems, that’s why they avoid it. The parents become suspicious about the girl; how
did her contact number reach the boy” – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
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“Our parents have not gone through such situations. So, there is a generation gap; and they do not have
much experience of such situations. They can surely help us, but it will take time for them to understand
such situations” – Adolescent Boy, Bihar
Some of the other ways that adolescents managed incidents related to OCSEA included:
Informing/seeking
support from friends
and siblings
Informing those in
authority
Reporting to the
police/calling
helplines
Sharing the incidents with friends and siblings (since it cannot be shared
with family)
Few reported that friends/siblings provided advice and even accompanied
to police station or when informing those in authority
Most adolescents said that they would approach friends and siblings first
and then parents, if needed
This included hostel wardens, parents or guardians, if the matter became
serious or difficult for the adolescents to handle on their own.
One respondent w ho w as being blackmailed by an acquaintance, called
and filed a complaint in t he 1 090 h elpline. S he w as a sked t o share
screenshots of the details. The helpline staff followed up with her till the
incident was addressed and messages stopped coming. After two days of
the complaint being lodged, the concerned person apologised
Filing a p olice complaint was not a very prevalent practice. Few did n ot
know the process of filing a police complaint; others did not want to reach
out to the police to avoid stigma and the need to tell their families. A few
also believed that the police would blame the women for the incident.
Case 3: A adolescent girl being blackmailed by a male abuser
Location: New Delhi
The case was reported by an 18-year-old adolescent boy from New Delhi, currently in his first year
of college. The respondent narrated an incident of OCSEA faced by a female friend and how it was
managed.
The abuser (male) was a ‘friend’ of the victim (female friend of the respondent) on a social media
platform. The abuser and the victim did not know each other personally and were only friends
through the social media. The abuser sent a message to the victim on the social media platform (as a
direct message), saying that he had access to some inappropriate photos of her. Over a few days, he
blackmailed the victim to send him more such images, else, he would show the photographs he had
to her family. The victim, scared and fearful, gave in to the demand of the abuser and sent him the
photographs he wanted. Following this, the abuser put these private photographs on the internet.
At this point, the victim reached out her friend (the respondent) and sought his support and counsel
on what she should do. The respondent advised her to file a police complaint. The victim took into
confidence her brother too; and with support from her friend and her brother, she filed a police
complaint. Following the complaint, the abuser was identified to be a resident of Noida and was
arrested by the police.
The respondent said that seeking support of the police was a helpful solution and should be done
when someone is facing an incident of OCSEA. He believed filing a complaint at the police station
was more helpful than registering the complaint online, since the online procedures were slow. He
also felt that approaching the police/NGO helplines or cyber cell authorities was better than victims
reaching out to their families. Families tend to panic; blame the girls; and subject them to significant
punitive action, rather than contact the police to address the issue.
“We should take the help of staff who manage cybercrime portals, and NGOs, because family
members will try to suppress the matter. And especially if something happens to the girls, then
their parents do not want this to be known to the outside world.” – Adolescent Boy, Delhi
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Of the 7 parents who reported that their wards faced OCSEA related incidents, 2 refused to answer
or said that they ‘didn’t know’ when asked on how they managed the incident. 1 did not do anything
and 1 deleted/blocked the person/source of the incident (Table 5.2.1, Annexure 1).
CSO representatives highlighted several gaps in the current systems of management of OCSEA:
1. Lack of adequate know-how and training among officials in the management of OCSEA. For
instance, a respondent highlighted that a police official may not know what grooming is. The
concern of victim shaming was also highlighted.
2. Lack of sensitivity and bureaucratic procedures in dealing with cases of sexual abuse – both
online and offline
3. Authorities were often overwhelmed with the volume of crimes and workload and preferred to
take up only very critical cases.
4. Poor implementation of provisions of current laws and regulations. Most CSO representatives
felt that the acts and laws in themselves were comprehensive, however, that governments
lacked political will and intent to effectively implement them.
5. Lack of information on the laws/acts and provisions to address online and offline sexual abuse
The ChildLine (1098) helpline was recognised as one of the more effective mechanisms. Respondents
mentioned that any calls to the ChildLine were always investigated.
Addressing incidents of OCSEA through schools
During qualitative interactions, most teachers reported that there were no redressal mechanisms
for OCSEA in schools. However, a few did speak of:
Informal forums on adolescent health for girls such as Kishori Manch and Meena Manch which
were used by teachers to talk about OCSEA and internet safety
Teachers offered guidance when required
A few schools had a complaint box and teachers were trained to enable guidance to students
on OCSEA
Schools counsel and guide students and their parents on incidents of abuse and harassment
In the quantitative survey, teachers encouraged students and families to report any incident related
to OCSEA to government online helplines, service providers and NGOs. They also encouraged
students to delete/block the source/person and change privacy settings. However, most teachers
felt that it was the responsibility of the parents to guide and support adolescents on OCSEA, and
nearly all teachers said that they would report any incidents to the parents (Figure 5.1).
While teachers reported no major redressal mechanisms in schools for OCSEA; the adolescents
also did not reach out to teachers either – for information or redressal. A few teachers, however,
felt that more could be done. One teacher said, “We want to proceed and tell them more. We think
menstruation is the link from where we can start and tell them about intercourse, pregnancy,
and sexual abuse, etc. But this can be done only if we are permitted. Schools do not permit, and
adolescents do not want to listen as they are shy. If we can start talking about menstruation, we
can use that opportunity to talk about other aspects such as OCSEA, too”.
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Case 4: Best practice – effort by the Government school in Rajasthan to provide sessions to
students on online safety
Location: Tonk, Rajasthan
A principal of a senior secondary school in Tonk district, Rajasthan highlighted the importance of
talking to adolescents and young persons on online abuse and safe online behaviour. He mentioned
the importance of comprehensive sex education for addressing OCSEA. He felt that at present,
adolescents and young persons had no sources of information on sex education and turned to
watching pornographic/X-rated content on the internet. In searching for information on sex/bodily
changes, adolescents came across pornographic content, which they watched. He also felt that
after a certain age, watching such content should be accepted as normal. However, adolescents
should be given the needed information so they understand the changes in their bodies and what
is safe and what is not.
In his school, efforts have been made to provide training sessions on safe online behaviour for
students, 14 years and above. As a part of the training sessions, information is provided on cyber
and internet security. The students are trained through multiple activities to make them aware of
the internet and how it can be used. The topics covered also include child protection policies, use
and misuse of the internet, and mobile phones, and details of ‘wrong/inappropriate’ websites.
he school has trained teachers on solving students’ problems if they face any online abuse. The
students are also strictly banned from using mobile phones in the school premises.
Efforts of Technology and social media companies in addressing OCSEA
One social media company and one OTT platform were approached in this study. They revealed
the following information regarding efforts at ensuring user safety.
The efforts at ensuring user safety, more so, for those below 18 years of age were guided by IT Act
Rules 2021, in addition to companies having their own safeguarding policies and programmes.
The OTT platform highlighted that while users below 18 years of age may be watching content
on their platform, they did not gather age details for anyone registered on the platform. In other
words, it was impossible for them to ascertain whether a 60-year-old or a 6-year-old was watching
the content on their platform. They, however, did undertake a very detailed user rating process,
specific to the law/rules and cultural sensitivities, in each of the countries. Accordingly, content
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tags are created, which are put in the description of the content – for instance, if it had nudity, or
sex, or violence. The user can then decide if they would like to view the content. They also invested
in creating localised age ratings, specific to each country, on the basis of which the content tags
were also put. Parental controls were also created, where parents could block titles by ‘type’ or
even create a separate ‘child’ user, with age settings, where only content specific to the age will be
shown.
Further, in compliance with the IT Rules 2021, robust grievance redressal mechanisms have been
established where anyone could complain about any content on the platform. With a three-level
appellate system, the company believed that this was one of the most robust grievance redressal
mechanisms in the world.
Given that they did not gather any age information, the OTT company reported not to have
faced any incidents of OCSEA related to their platform. Further, that they were more a one-way
consumption platform – where they put out content, that was viewed by others; with minimal user
interaction. This reduced the risk of any OCSEA experiences.
The need for greater parental awareness and guidance in effectively controlling social media and
content viewership among adolescents was articulated. The need for more effective partnerships
between companies and state/central governments, to better implement the provisions of the IT
Act and Rules 2021 was also noted.
5.3 Implications of OCSEA on adolescents’ lives
Across all three respondent groups, qualitative interactions indicated a unanimous opinion that
incidents of OCSEA impacted girls more than boys. This has been noted earlier in the report as well.
The implications of OCSEA on adolescents’ lives were articulated as follows.
“Yes, it happens mostly with the girls. If the parents come to know then they get the girls married; they
cannot complete their education. They must live in the in-laws’ house and the desire to study also has to
end; and they have to manage everything without studying”. –Adolescent Girl, Rajasthan
Parents and teachers added that excessive internet use, in general, impacted mental and physical
health and well-being of adolescents. They were concerned about addiction of adolescents to the
internet. Excessive internet use and exposure to OCSEA, they felt, affected focus and consequently
the education of adolescents. It could also lead to mental stress. Teachers added that adolescents
who faced incidents of OCSEA may lose self-confidence. As reported by the adolescents, teachers
also felt that such incidents could have a greater impact on girls – that they would be blamed,
withdrawn from education and married.
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“Students are often unaware of what they do on the internet. Their small actions could lead to incidents
of OCSEA. This affects their mental health. After the incident, they would be subject to boundaries and
limitations due to societal pressure. If something were to happen to a girl, no matter how good she is in
studies, her education would be discontinued, and her parents will marry her off. They will not even see if
the groom is worthy, they will simply marry her to whomever they can find. The girl would also be at the
receiving end of insults and embarrassment. This further affects their mental health. One small mistake
can affect their future life” – Teacher, Bihar
What makes adolescents vulnerable to OCSEA?
Parents and teachers believed that adolescents became vulnerable to OCSEA due the following:
Inadequate education and awareness among adolescents; including lack of awareness on sex
and sexual relations – which makes them curious and want to seek out information
Teachers felt that the unwillingness of parents to talk about issues of sex and sexual health
with their adolescent children was a concern, which made adolescents use the internet to
get information, exposing them to the risk of OCSEA
Lack of guardian monitoring and inadequate guidance from the family
Lack of mental maturity among adolescents
Access to internet and digitisation; lack of awareness on the implications of excessive internet
use
Chatting with unknown persons and clicking on wrong links. A few teachers said that when
adolescents feel lonely, they speak to strangers on the internet, putting themselves at risk.
“The main reason is that the mental maturity of adolescents is very low, due to which they start walking
on the wrong path” – Parent, Bihar
“The adolescents, nowadays, are not able to judge what is the right and wrong. There is so much
information available to them. Additionally, in today’s time, owning a smart phone with internet
connection has become a normal thing- when a child has access to internet 24/7, this makes them
vulnerable to mistakes and challenges online” – Teacher, UP
“Even at home, parents do not talk about sexual health with children. They think that children will learn
on their own and they will come to know everything with time. But they themselves do not talk with their
children. Children use the internet to find out information; and later, if by chance, some girl commits
some mistake, then they blame their daughters” – Teacher, Bihar
Who is responsible for OCSEA?
Parents and teachers held the following persons and factors responsible for OCSEA:
AT AN INDIVIDUAL LEVEL
•The persons/online abusers – those sharing
content with adolescents/or blackmailing them
•Parents/guardians – for not monitoring and
allowing children to view sexually explicit content
•Lack of awareness among parents on OCSEA,
phone addiction
•The adolescents viewing the content
AT A SYSTEM LEVEL
•Those creating sexually explicit content and
making this easily available on the internet
•Increased digitisation and internet access among
adolescents
•Tech companies – for poor regulation
•Societal norms – which prevent conversations on
SRHR
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CSO representatives felt that the scale of sexual abuse – both online and offline were massive. From
own parents to strangers on the street, children and adolescents were vulnerable to sexual abuse
from all quarters. Specifically, regarding online abuse, those who used the internet extensively and
in an unregulated fashion were seen as more vulnerable. Girls, and those belonging to LGBTQIA+
communities were also vulnerable, owing to patriarchal attitudes, inability of women to raise their
voice and need for acceptance and companionship among the LGBTQIA+.
Grooming, blackmailing, and child pornography were reported as the common forms of OCSEA
in India. Children and adolescents being impressionable, were seen as easy targets for all these
forms of abuse. One of the respondents highlighted that among adolescent and young persons,
receiving nude and sexually explicit content was a common practice. A phenomenon called ‘dick
see’ was common, where girls or even boys were sent penile images. Such images were sent even
to unknown social media accounts. One of the respondents, whose social media profile reads that
she is a ‘sexual health trainer’, reported that she received a lot of unsolicited sexual content.
Family members and those from the peer group were seen as the primary perpetrators of online
sexual abuse. CSO representatives felt that in an online world, it was often difficult to identify and
apprehend the perpetrators, as they hid behind profiles with fake details. It was also challenging,
as adolescents often do not share details of any incidents they might have faced with family or
authorities. The larger silence of the community on issues of sex and sexual abuse, was seen as an
impediment to identification and addressing the issue of OCSEA.
As mentioned by all other respondent groups, the implications of OCSEA were reported more for
girls. While action was taken against boys, who perpetrated online violence, there were greater
implications to the lives of girls. One of the respondents narrated an incident where a schoolgirl
shared some sexually explicit photos and videos of herself with her long-term boyfriend. The
boyfriend shared it with his friends, and it was put on the internet. The boys and the girl were
suspended from school. But the girl was beaten by her parents, and she was no longer allowed
to leave the house. Also, her images and videos were forever on the internet, leading to mental
trauma and depression. All respondents felt that excessive pornographic exposure and exposure
to OCSEA could have long-term implications on the physical and mental well-being of children and
adolescents.
5.4 Addressing OCSEA – the way forward
Given the rising digital use, experiences of OCSEA, and their implications; adolescents, parents,
and teachers, shared their perspectives on the way forward in addressing some of the challenges
of OCSEA. The recommendations shared were at an – (a) Individual/family level; (b) at the school
level; and (c) at a systemic level.
Recommendations at an individual/ family level
The recommendations at an individual level included the role of adolescents themselves, the role
of parents, friends, and peers.
Role of adolescents in preventing/addressing OCSEA
Ensure privacy settings in the phone and apps
Block unknown contacts
Caution in sharing photos and videos online and on apps
Use lesser-known social media apps – where sexually explicit content is less prevalent
Moderate the use of internet
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Role of parents
The role of parents was seen as crucial by all three stakeholder groups. A two-fold role for parents
was outlined in preventing and addressing OCSEA
(1) In monitoring and supervision
Restrict phone and internet access among adolescents
Use apps to monitor phone use among adolescents
Ensure rules and supervision on phone and internet use
Share internet and social medial accounts with children to curb them watching explicit content
(2) In guidance and information provision to adolescents
Explain to adolescents/children why viewing sexually explicit content is wrong, or how it can
be harmful
Help adolescents make the right choices, talk openly about SRHR and online sexual abuse and
remove stigma on these issues
Discuss online safety and good behaviour to tackle online sexual abuse
Guide and support if an adolescent/child faced an OCSEA incident (mentioned only by one
parent)
“When a child or adolescent watches some inappropriate content, they are scolded by parents, but no
explanations are provided as to why it is wrong. So, the curiosity remains with the child, and s/he again
watches it and falls into the spiral. So, parents should explain to the child what is wrong and what is right
and why is it so; they should give the reasons as well” – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
“Parents should make their children aware that if you get any inappropriate websites or pop-ups on the
internet, then you do not have to visit them” – Adolescent Boy, Delhi
“Parents can talk to the child and explain the pros and cons of such things so that child does not take
a wrong step. If the child looks worried, parents should ask them what is bothering them and find out
solution to their problems” – Parent, Bihar
Role of friends and peers
The role of friends and peers was seen more to provide support to a victim of OCSEA, provide
help in informing the family or persons of authority in case of an incident, help peers make good
choices online; and enable support and information for effective use of the internet and safe online
practices.
For adolescents, parents, and peers to fulfil their roles in preventing and addressing OCSEA, the
need for awareness and education was outlined. Respondents highlighted the need for education
on online sexual abuse, laws and regulations for online safety and abuse, and management and
redressal of OCSEA. Particularly for the parents, the need for behaviour changes and counselling
so they could coach/guide their adolescent wards’ in managing OCSEA and create an environment
where adolescents could openly share their concerns, was mentioned. The need to better equip
parents with awareness of technology/internet and its management was also outlined
“The primary caregiver is the family; the family needs to be educated on sexual abuse and that should
be done through the government, school, and NGO. The parents need to be aware about all these things.
Children are smart and aware, but the parents are not, unfortunately”. – Teacher, Bihar
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Recommendations at a school level
The recommendations at a school level included:
Sessions by teachers/ schools on
Safe online practices
Online abuse
Management of online abuse, including details on helplines
Support to children/adolescents to file police/cybercrime cases in case of any incidents of
OCSEA
Guidance and counselling to children/adolescents if cases of OCSEA are brought to the notice
of the teachers or school authorities
Information to parents if a child/adolescent is caught watching sexually explicit content
Provision of comprehensive sexuality education in schools
“Schools have a major role since children spend a major portion of their childhood in school. Right from
the start, regulated use of internet should be taught to the children. Teachers can teach students how
internet can be used for doing good things and not getting into trouble. And even if one gets into trouble,
teacher should explain to children right from beginning that they can talk to teachers or parents without
any hesitation “- Adolescent Boy, Bihar
Teachers mentioned that for schools to effectively provide information and support to adolescents
on online sexual abuse, they would need greater cooperation and understanding from parents.
They also mentioned that the school could be stricter in monitoring device use on campus and
provide training to adolescents and their parents on OCSEA. One teacher suggested that a cyber
expert who could investigate incidents, would also help school authorities in creating a safer
environment for students.
Recommendations at a systemic level
At a systemic level, majority recommendations were for the government. These included:
Restricting/banning sexually explicit content
Ban sexually explicit content – block sexual content from the internet and social media
Ban sexually explicit content from educational portals/platforms where students access
educational content
Age restrictive access on certain content on the internet
Maintain records and data of persons accessing such contents and sites, and take
punitive action against them
Generating awareness on SRHR and online sexual abuse
Build awareness/ run campaigns on online abuse (through apps and other forum)
Include sex education in the curriculum
Ensuring laws and policies on online safety and OCSEA, and that they are followed.
Ensuring that devices are used only for education and contact details of students not shared
with all – only with teacher, if needed
Strengthening redressal systems
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Provide adolescents with greater information to adolescents (and guardians) on the
process of filing complaints
Enable ease in processes of filing complaints, so persons are not scared and are
encouraged to file complaints against online sexual abuse
Devise systems for counselling and guidance to perpetrators of online sexual abuse and
violence
“Government can come up with an app so that there is information about what is right and wrong,
what is sexually inappropriate behaviour, how people do it, what are the ways it can be done, how to
avoid such situations or how to tackle these situations. Such information can reach to the children and
adolescents in online mode through apps”. – Adolescent Girl, Bihar
The government is encouraging usage of apps and technology for studying, especially during COVID.
There should be separate phones with the sole purpose of education. That phone should only have
educational apps and information and numbers of parents and teachers. The parent when buying it
should have installed various restrictions on it” – Teacher, UP
The other system level recommendations were for technology/social media companies to ensure
better regulation and moderation of social media posts, photos, user profiles and not allowing
sexually explicit content to be published or made easily accessible.
Respondents also felt that NGOs and CSOs could engage in an awareness building role at a
community level, to educate adolescents and parents on OCSEA and how to manage it. NGOs could
provide counselling support to victims of OCSEA.
CSO representatives articulated the need for better implementation of the laws and regulations,
strengthening of the laws to ensure international standards of safety, ratification, and membership
to international coalitions/alliances/partnerships for online safety (such as the WeProtect
Alliance). At the school level, the need for ensuring comprehensive sexuality education, including
identification and management of OCSEA was mentioned. Training and sensitisation of teachers
to effectively engage with students and empower them to be aware of their rights, the laws and
redressal mechanisms was the need. The need for awareness building among communities on
OCSEA through panchayats and local service providers (ASHA, ANM, AWW) was also mentioned.
Respondents articulated a multi-pronged approach addressing adolescents, their parents,
teachers, and communities at large to break the silence on SRH issues, so aspects of online and
offline abuse could be identified and effectively addressed.
Key takeaways
15% of adolescents had faced at least one incident related to online sexual abuse
or exploitation. A higher proportion of urban and peri-urban boys had faced one
or more incidents related to OCSEA.
The most common incident reported was ‘coming across sexually explicit content
when surfing the internet’. A slightly higher proportion of girls reported someone
online talking to them about sex when they did not want to; and being threatened
or embarrassed by someone posting or sending messages about them to other
persons.
The qualitative interactions appear to suggest that several adolescents and their
peers had faced incidents of OCSEA. It is likely that the respondents may have
been hesitant to share information in a shortened timeframe and format in the
quantitative survey. A significant denial and lack of acknowledgement of their
wards having faced OCSEA was noted among parents.
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Among those who had faced at least one OCSEA related incident, 55% faced it on
Facebook, followed by YouTube, WhatsApp and then other social media and OTT
platforms.
The common ways of managing incidents of OCSEA included deleting or blocking a
person/source and changing privacy settings. 17% respondents who had faced an
incident did not do anything and only 5% reported it to a service provider.
Adolescents feared telling their parents of any incidents of OCSEA; more so girls,
who feared significant punitive action including discontinuation of education and
early marriage.
Incidents of OCSEA impacted girls more than the boys. Incidents of OCSEA among
girls also had implications for their families and were seen as shameful and
embarrassing.
No mechanisms for redressal for OCSEA were reported in schools.
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Conclusion And Recommendations
This study on adolescent’s digital interactions and online child sexual exploitation and abuse in
India sought to understand the extent and nature of digital interactions among adolescents and
their exposure to OCSEA.
Digital access and use
Both secondary literature and primary surveys indicate universal access to the phone and internet.
A higher proportion of adolescent boys owned phones; and more girls had shared access. The
internet was accessed daily, for 2-4 hours. The use was higher among adolescent boys and those
in urban locations. Experts alluded to the explosion in phone and internet access owing to the
COVID-19 pandemic, which is evident from secondary literature as well. With education going
online, even those who did not have access, were forced to buy phones, and enable internet access
for their children to continue their studies.
Adolescents reported accessing social media as the primary use of the internet; other than
education and learning, music, playing games, instant messaging and to meet people. In addition
to using the internet to communicate with known persons, a significant proportion of adolescents
also communicated with second degree contacts and strangers on the internet. While parents
were aware of the extent of internet use among their adolescent wards, they did not know the
extent to which adolescents used the internet to meet people, or for instant messaging, or to visit
chat rooms.
Parental supervision of phone and internet use, while seen as important, was limited to checking
of devices by parents from time to time. A small proportion of parents, more in urban locations,
used monitoring software. Consequently, the use of the phone and internet by adolescents was
largely unregulated. Girls were subject to more rules, limiting their time and nature of internet use.
While adolescents used the internet to access social media, 85% of them believed that using the
internet and social media posed a threat to privacy and security. Sharing information on dating
websites/apps, chat rooms and gaming websites was seen as riskier, by parents and adolescents,
than educational platforms and online shopping websites. Parents believed that using the internet
was more dangerous for adolescent girls. While the risk of exposure to sexually explicit content
was both for adolescent boys and girls, parents did not articulate significant risks for boys. All
respondents reported that adolescents, more boys than girls, viewed sexually explicit content on
the internet – either by accident, or intentionally.
Understanding of OCSEA and how to address it
There exists no standardised definition for OCSEA globally, or in India. Consequently, the way
OCSEA is understood and articulated is non-uniform and perspective-driven (even among experts
and CSOs). Adolescents and their parents, understood all forms of online abuse, including financial
fraud and posting rude comments on the internet to be part of OCSEA. There is a need for greater
clarity on what constitutes OCSEA and how it is different from other online abuse.
Awareness on the laws and rules in the country that address online sexual abuse was limited.
Teachers were more aware on this. Awareness on helplines, to address any cases of OCSEA, were
limited to the police cybercrime cell and ChildLine.
Parents and teachers spoke to adolescents on safe and responsible online behaviour but limited
the conversations when it came to dealing with sexually explicit/X-rated content or on talking about
sex online. The silence and hesitancy in talking on issues of sex and SRHR, thus limits adolescents’
awareness of appropriate online behaviour and their ability to manage any OCSEA. They
consequently relied on the internet, social media platforms and friends to gather information on
this. CSO representatives highlighted this as a significant challenge, making adolescent vulnerable
to misinformation from unverified and unreliable sources.
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Experiences of OCSEA
15% of adolescents had faced at least one incident related to online sexual abuse or exploitation,
a higher proportion of boys and those in urban locations. This is also the group that accesses the
internet the most. The most common OCSEA related incident was ‘coming across sexually explicit
content when surfing the internet’. Although reported only by 1% of adolescents, a slightly higher
proportion of girls reported someone online talking to them about sex when they did not want
to; and being threatened or embarrassed by someone posting or sending messages about them
to other persons. Several such incidents, faced by adolescent and friends/peers were reported
during qualitative interactions. Facebook, followed by YouTube and WhatsApp, were the common
platforms where adolescents faced incidents of OCSEA.
Of the parents who reported that adolescents were likely exposed to sexually explicit content,
97% denied their wards ever having faced any OCSEA. There, thus, appears to be a denial and lack
of acknowledgement of their wards facing OCSEA. It is likely that this limits parental intervention
to prevent or address OCSEA. Adolescents also feared telling their parents about any incidents of
OCSEA; more so girls, who feared significant punitive action including discontinuation of education
and early marriage. For girls, facing OCSEA not only impacted their lives and well-being, but also
sharing this brought shame and embarrassment to the family.
Adolescents dealt with OCSEA by deleting or blocking a person/source and changing privacy
settings. 17% of respondents who had faced an incident did not do anything and only 5% reported
it to a service provider. There was also hesitation in contacting the police, as that would involve
telling the family. Only, when left with no choice, did adolescents seek support from the police or
other service providers. CSO representatives highlighted the challenges in effective identification
of perpetrators of online violence and the need to strengthen existing reporting and redressal
mechanisms.
Thus, with expanding internet access, a greater proportion of adolescents are likely to be exposed
to OCSEA. The silence on issues of sex and SRHR in the community, prevent acknowledgement of
the problem, effective information sharing and redressal. Girls are at a particular disadvantage,
with access to phones and internet being gendered, rules and supervision being gendered, and
even punitive action and implications being gendered.
Recommendations
As outlined in Section 1 of this report, there is a need for a multi-stakeholder effort to ensure
a safe internet eco-system for children and adolescents in the country. Some of the specific
recommendations to ensure safer online interactions and redressal of OCSEA among adolescents
are as follows.
Overarching policy and systemic recommendations
Defining OCSEA – There is a need to define OCSEA in the Indian context, with a clear articulation
of which incidents comprise OCSEA and which do not. The same definition needs to be
acknowledged in all acts and policies, with common interpretation and redressal. For instance,
how OCSEA is defined in the IT Act, should be the same as in the POCSO Act, with a clear
articulation of what could be considered an offence under POCSO and what not. All technology
and social media companies should be held accountable to the definition.
Strengthening the evidence base to inform policy and systems – Available data and information
on the nature and extent of OCSEA is limited. There should be robust systems for data
gathering and collation from multiple sources – including self-reporting through online portals,
police complaints, portals such as the NCRB, helpline databases, and data from technology
companies. This data should be assessed and analysed to better understand the extent and
nature of OCSEA to make the required policies and undertake system reforms. Given the
gendered nature of the internet and digital access and the implications of OCSEA on women,
data should be gender-disaggregated and analysed.
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Defining clear processes and systems to address OCSEA – Including defined mechanisms
for identification, reporting, perpetrator punishment, and intervention packages for holistic
support for victims of online child sexual abuse. The links between systems of redressal of
online and offline abuse should be clearly mapped and defined. There is also a need for gender-
sensitive and transformative approach in defining the systems and mechanisms to enable girls
and women to overcome existing challenges to report incidents of OCSEA and access redressal
mechanisms.
Enabling system access and strengthening – Systems should be defined and implemented in a
manner such that they are easily available and accessible, especially to children, adolescents
and adolescent girls, through online and offline modes. Good helpline models such as the
ChildLine and women’s helpline could be strengthened to better address issues of online abuse.
Regulating the private sector and technology companies effectively to identify and report
incidents of OCSEA. Ensuring that the redressal mechanisms outlined in the IT Act and Rules
2021 are followed.
To enable the above, there is a need to acknowledge OCSEA as an issue affecting children and
adolescents in the country and political will to address the same.
Ensuring public awareness and digital literacy
There is a need to develop and institutionalise a plan for digital safety and literacy to reach all
citizens of the country. This would include developing an age-appropriate and gender-sensitive
‘digital safety and literacy’ curriculum to be integrated into the school curriculum across subjects.
The curriculum and modules could also be made available to the public at large, through their
digitisation in video formats and circulation through social media platforms. Local service providers
and elected representatives could also be engaged to circulate links to the online content and
videos.
Platforms and resource libraries – online and offline could be created, where children, adolescents
and adults could seek information and guidance on digital safety and redressal of abuse.
Information on systems of reporting and available helplines should be widely circulated through
online and offline modes.
Enabling comprehensive sexuality education
The need for comprehensive sexuality education is evident; not only to address OCSEA, but to
empower children and adolescents with the needed information for their sexual and reproductive
health and well-being. Comprehensive sexuality education will enable adolescents to better
understand their bodies, access needed information and services and effectively address any SRH
concerns and sexual abuse that they might face.
Building capacities of stakeholders
Other than parents, the two stakeholder groups who could have an immediate effect in the
information provision and management of OCSEA are teachers and police personnel.
Teachers, while have some knowledge, need capacity-building and support to engage with
adolescents on digital literacy/safe online behaviour and addressing OCSEA. Short modules and
capacity-building sessions could be designed for teachers to engage with adolescents on digital
literacy, OCSEA and its redressal. Capacities of teachers will have to be built to strengthen their
knowledge, address attitudes and their ability to engage with adolescents. It is also critical to
build teachers’ capacities to enhance their ability to address challenges of adolescent girls,
more so those who may have faced incidents of OCSEA.
Police personnel play a key role in the redressal of OCSEA. However, they are often overburdened
and not sensitised to the needs of the adolescents. The police personnel responsible for
managing child protection issues, and those in the cybercrime cell, could also be trained on
aspects of OCSEA – its identification and management. The capacity-building for
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for these personnel will also have to ensure attitudinal shifts and guidance on sensitive
management of adolescents, particularly girls who seek to file complaints.
There is also a need to sensitize and build capacities of media personnel/houses to enable
appropriate and sensitive reporting on issues of OCSEA and to use the media to enable
information on cyber safety and OCSEA. Social media platforms should be leveraged for this,
as many young persons access these for information.
Capacity of CSOs working on SRHR and with adolescents could be built for them to engage with
adolescents on issues of cyber security and OCSEA as well.
The key to effective management of OCSEA is to empower parents/caregivers, children and
adolescents with information, effective systems, and a conducive environment where issues of
sexual health and abuse could be discussed constructively.
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Annexure 1: Data tables
Section 3.1 Respondent Demographics- Adolescents
Table 3.1.1. State of the respondents- Adolescents
Table 3.1.2. Settlement type of respondents- Adolescents
Table 3.1.3. Age of the respondent- Adolescent
Table 3.1.4. Gender of the respondent- Adolescent
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Table 3.1.5. Religion of the respondent- Adolescent
Table 3.1.6. Caste of the respondent- Adolescent
Table 3.1.7. Status of education - Adolescent
Table 3.1.8. Current year of education- Adolescents
Table 3.1.9. Highest level of education- Adolescent
Table 3.1.10. Status of employment- Adolescent
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Table 3.1.11. Status of marriage- Adolescent
Table 3.1.12. Mean age of marriage- Adolescent
Parents- Demographics
Table 3.1.13. State of respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.14. Settlement type of respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.15. Relationship with the respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.16. Gender of the respondent- Parent
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Table 3.1.17. Religion of respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.18. Caste of respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.19. Educational qualification of respondent- Parent
Table 3.1.20. Occupation of the respondent- Parent
Teacher demographics
Table 3.1.21. State of the respondent- Teachers
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Table 3.1.22. Settlement type of the respondent- Teachers
Table 3.1.23. Gender of the respondent- Teachers
Table 3.1.24. Religion of the respondent- Teachers
Table 3.1.25. Educational qualification of the respondent- Teachers
Table 3.1.26. Teaching experience - Teachers
Table 3.1.27. Teaching classes- Teachers
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SECTION 3.2: Access to digital devices- Adolescents
Table 3.2.1 Device Ownership - Adolescents
Table 3.2.2 Device Preference – to access the internet- Adolescents
Table 3.3.1 Internet Access- Adolescents
Table 3.3.2 Internet Usage- Adolescents
Table 3.3.3 Internet Usage in a week- Adolescents
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Table 3.3.4 Hours spent on the internet - Adolescents
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Table 3.3.6 Internet usage in days - Parents
Table 3.3.7 Average time spent on the internet - Parents
Table 3.3.8 Access to internet in school - Teachers
Table 3.3.9 Purpose of using the internet - Adolescents
Table 3.3.10 Use of internet to communicate with others- Adolescents
Table 3.3.11 Knowledge of using Internet- Parents
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Table 3.3.12 Purpose of using Internet- Parents
Table 3.3.13 Digital platforms used on the internet - Adolescents
Table 3.3.14 Digital platforms used on the internet - Parents
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Table 3.3.15 Chi square-use of internet- last
First row has frequencies; second row has row percentages
Table 3.3.16 T-test-Use of internet in a week, by age group
Table 3.3.17 Chi square-use of internet- number of hours used
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.1 – Purpose for using internet by different age groups-Chi square
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
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Table 3.3.18.2 Chi square- website
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.3 Chi square- Instant message
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.4 Chi square- Chat rooms
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.5 Chi square- game
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.6 Chi square- school
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First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.7 Chi square- music
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.8 Chi square- blog
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.9 Chi square- date
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.9 Chi square- date
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
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Table 3.3.18.10 Chi square- social
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.3.18.11 Chi square- friend
First row has frequencies; second row has column percentages
Table 3.4.1 Parental supervision on use of internet - Adolescents
Table 3.4.2 Methods of parental supervision on use of internet - Adolescents
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Table 3.4.3 Parental supervision on use of internet - Parents
Table 3.4.5 Methods of supervision on use of internet - Parents
Table 3.5.1 First Usage of internet- Adolescents
Table 3.5.2 First Usage of internet- Parents
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Table 3.5.3 Importance of internet- Adolescents
Table 3.5.4. Trust on responsible use of internet – Parents
Table 3.5.5. Trust on responsible use of internet – Teachers
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Table 3.5.6. Purpose for use of internet – Teachers
Table 3.5.6. Use of social media platforms – Teachers
Table 3.5.7. Use of internet – Teachers
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Section 4
Table 4.1.1 Awareness of OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.1.2. Awareness of OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.1.3. Awareness of OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.1.4.1. Views on safety of sharing personal information on social media platforms
Table 4.1.4.2. Views on safety of sharing personal information on educational platforms
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Table 4.1.4.3. Views on safety of sharing personal information on online shopping sites
Table 4.1.4.4. Views on safety of sharing personal information on chatrooms
Table 4.1.4.5. Views on safety of sharing personal information on dating sites
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Table 4.1.4.6. Views on safety of sharing personal information on gaming websites
Table 4.1.5.1. Views on safety of sharing personal information on social media platforms- Parents
Table 4.1.5.2. Views on safety of sharing personal information on educational platforms- Parents
Table 4.1.5.3. Views on safety of sharing personal information on online shopping sites- Parents
Table 4.1.5.4. Views on safety of sharing personal information on chatrooms- Parents
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Table 4.1.5.5. Views on safety of sharing personal information on dating sites- Parents
Table 4.1.5.6. Views on safety of sharing personal information on gaming sites- Parents
Table 4.1.6.1. Views on safety of sharing personal information on social media platforms- Teachers
Table 4.1.6.2. Views on safety of sharing personal information on educational platforms- Teachers
Table 4.1.6.3. Views on safety of sharing personal information on online shopping sites- Teachers
Table 4.1.6.4. Views on safety of sharing personal information on chatrooms- Teachers
Table 4.1.6.5. Views on safety of sharing personal information on dating sites- Teachers
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Table 4.1.6.6. Views on safety of sharing personal information on gaming sites- Teachers
Table 4.2.1. Possibility of OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.2.2. Possibility of OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.2.3. Possibility of OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.2.4. Awareness on recognition of OCSEA- Adolescents
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Table 4.2.5. Awareness on recognition of OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.2.6. Awareness on recognition of OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.2.7. Difference in awareness on OCSEA- T-test
Table 4.3.1. Awareness on laws that prevent OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.3.2. Awareness on laws that prevent OCSEA- Parents
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Table 4.3.3. Knowledge of laws that prevent OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.3.4. Knowledge of laws that prevent OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.3.5. Awareness on laws that prevent OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.3.6. Knowledge of laws that prevent OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.3.7. Police Complaint if exploited online- Adolescents
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Table 4.3.8. Police Complaint if exploited online- Parents
Table 4.3.9. Police Complaint if exploited online- Teachers
Table 4.3.10. Awareness on helpline if exploited online- Adolescents
Table 4.3.11. Awareness on helpline if exploited online- Parents
Table 4.3.12. Awareness on helpline if exploited online- Teachers
Table 4.3.13. Awareness on platforms if exploited online- Adolescents
Table 4.3.14. Awareness on platforms if exploited online- Parents
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Table 4.3.15. Awareness on platforms if exploited online- Teachers
Table 4.4.1. Being talked on giving out personal information on internet- Adolescents
Table 4.4.2. Talking about giving out personal information on internet- Parents
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Table 4.4.3. Talking about giving out personal information on internet- Teachers
Table 4.4.4. Receiving training in school on OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.4.5. Other sources of information on OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 4.4.6. Other sources of information on OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.4.7. Other sources of information on OCSEA- Teachers
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Table 4.4.8. Awareness of SnehAI app- Adolescents
Table 4.4.9. Awareness of SnehAI app- Parents
Table 4.4.10. Awareness of SnehAI app- Teachers
Table 4.4.11. Receiving training in school on OCSEA- Parents
Table 4.4.12. Provided training in school on OCSEA- Teachers
Table 4.4.13 Difference in education/training on OCSEA
First row has frequencies; second row has row percentages
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SECTION 5
Table 5.1.1. Instances where OCSEA was found- Adolescents
Table 5.1.2. Instances where OCSEA was found- Parents
Table 5.1.3. Instances where OCSEA was found- Parents & Adolescents
Table 5.1.4. Platforms where OCSEA has occurred- Parents
Table 5.1.5. Platforms where OCSEA has occurred- Adolescents
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Table 5.1.6. Difference in age groups in facing OCSEA
First row has frequencies; second row has row percentages
Table 5.1.7. Chi square- facing OCSEA and being supervised
First row has frequencies; second row has row percentages
Table 5.1.8. Chi square- facing OCSEA and receiving training on OCSEA
First row has frequencies; second row has row percentages
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Table 5.2.1. Action taken against OCSEA- Parents
Table 5.2.2. Action taken against OCSEA- Adolescents
Table 5.2.3. Action taken against OCSEA- Teachers
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Annexure 2: Details of districts and locations where data collection was done
Table 1: Sample collected- Adolescents
Table 2: Sample collected- Parents
Table 3: Sample collected- Teachers
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Annexure 3: Details of qualitative interactions
Table 1: Qualitative interactions
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Annexure 4: Readings for desk review
https://dig.watch/topics/child-safety-online
https://www.meity.gov.in/content/cyber-laws
https://www.quilt.ai/post/keeping-children-safe-online
https://www.quilt.ai/post/protecting-children-online
https://health.economictimes.indiatimes.com/health-files/in-india-online-abuse-and-exploitation-
of-children-is-going-viral/5254
https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/tech-companies-child-online-abuse-nyt-report/
https://www.weprotect.org/
http://www.sethassociates.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/overview-of-laws-against-online-
child-sex-abuse-in-india.pdf
https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/tata-communication-only-isp-to-have-partnered-
with-iwf-to-prevent-child-sexual-abuse/article33479648.ece
https://www.business-standard.com/article/government-press-release/several-measures-taken-
by-the-government-to-prevent-online-sexual-abuse-117072001156_1.html
https://www.firstpost.com/india/from-covid-19-pandemic-to-culture-of-silence-why-india-is-
failing-to-protect-children-from-online-sexual-abuse-10173171.html
https://www.sa-hr.org/single-post/2017/05/27/child-grooming-india-must-take-measures-to-
protect-children-from-online-sexual-abuse
https://www.sa-hr.org/single-post/2017/05/27/child-grooming-india-must-take-measures-to-
protect-children-from-online-sexual-abuse
https://www.thelawbug.com/online-sexual-abuse-and-internet-safety-laws-and-punishments/
https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/exploring-indias-digital-divide/
https://dig.watch/topics/child-safety-online
https://www.google.co.in/search?q=penetration+of+internet+in+rural+area+in+india&ie=UTF-
8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en-gb&client=safari
https://www.projectudaya.in/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Exposure-to-media_Bihar.pdf
https://indiafacts.in/internet-social-media-usage-among-youth-india-mcafee-report/
https://pediatrics.medresearch.in/index.php/ijpr/article/view/458/910
https://www.projectguru.in/the-growing-use-of-social-media-networks-among-teenagers-in-india/
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https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/one-in-three-adolescents-faced-online-abuse-finds-
study-by-ngo/article30854618.ece
https://feminisminindia.com/2020/06/12/ticking-bomb-online-child-sexual-abuse/
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331471804_Social_Media_and_Indian_Youth
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/voices/battling-child-sexual-abuse-in-the-era-of-digital-
childhoods-hybrid-education/?frmapp=yes
https://www.socialmediamatters.in/patterns-of-internet-usage-among-youths-in-india
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340260177_Strategies_to_Prevent_Online_Sexual_
Abuse_of_Children
https://www.lawctopus.com/academike/children-the-victim-of-online-sexual-harassment-in-
india/
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/cbi-unit-for-online-child-abuse-cases/article29986457.
ece
https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/opinion-india-must-review-its-law-on-child-
pornography-and-address-gaps/357863
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/11/09/us/internet-child-sex-abuse.html
https://www.sa-hr.org/single-post/2017/05/27/child-grooming-india-must-take-measures-to-
protect-children-from-online-sexual-abuse
https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/how-india-is-protecting-its-children-online/
https://www.orfonline.org/research/promoting-child-safety-online-in-the-time-of-covid-19/
https://www.cry.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Online-Safety-and-Internet-Addiction-p.pdf
https://www.lawctopus.com/academike/children-the-victim-of-online-sexual-harassment-in-
india/
https://www.protocol.com/policy/instagram-kids-devices
https://www.unicef.org/media/113731/file/Ending%20Online%20Sexual%20Exploitation%20
and%20Abuse.pdf
https://www.icmec.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/UNICEF-Child-Protection-Online-India-pub_
doc115-1.pdf
https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/broadband-commission-sustainable-development
https://www.unesco.org/en/communication-information/digital-policy-capacities-inclusion/
broadband-commission
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https://www.timesnownews.com/technology-science/article/38-of-indian-10-year-olds-have-
facebook-accounts-24-instagram-in-violation-of-rules-finds-ncpcr-study/789948
https://www.hrw.org/report/2022/05/25/how-dare-they-peep-my-private-life/childrens-rights-
violations-governments
https://www.tarshi.net/inplainspeak/is-pocso-failing-adolescent-sexuality/
https://www.trai.gov.in/sites/default/files/PR_No.02of2022.pdf
https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/most-online-content-on-child-sexual-abuse-from-
india/article31377784.ece
https://pib.gov.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=168731
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Population Foundation of India gratefully acknowledges the support provided for this programme
by the End Violence Fund.
The End Violence Partnership is a platform for collective, evidence-based advocacy and action
launched in July 2016 by the UN Secretary-General with a focus on fulfilling the Sustainable
Development Goal 16.2: ending all forms of violence against children by 2030.
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